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trObner'8 oriental series. 

"A knowledge of the commonplace, at least, of Oriental literature, philo- 
sophy, and religion is as necessary to the general reader of the present day 
as an acquaintance with the Latin and Greek classics was a generation or so 
ago. Immense strides have been made within the present century in these 
branches of learning ; Sanskrit has been brought within the range of accurate 
philology, and its invaluable ancient literature thoroughly investigated ; the 
language and sacred books of the Zoroastrians have been laid bare ; Egyptian, 
Assyrian, and other records of the remote past have been deciphered, and a 
group of scholars speak of still more recondite Accadian and Hittite monu- 
ments ; but the results of all the scholarship that has been devoted to these 
subjects have been almost inaccessible to the public because they were con- 
tained for the most part in learned or expensive works, or scattered through- 
out the numbers of scientific periodicals. Messrs. Trubner & Co., in a spirit 
of enterprise which does them infinite credit, have determined to supply the 
constantly-increasing want, and to give in a popular, or, at least, a compre- 
hensive form, all this mass of knowledge to the world." — Times. 

Second Edition, post 8vo, pp. xxxii.— 748, with Map, cloth, price 21s. 


By the Hon. Sir W. W. HUNTER, K.C.S.I., C.S.I., CLE., LL.D., 

Member of the Viceroy's Legislative Council, 
Director-General of Statistics to the Government of India. 

Being a Revised Edition, brought up to date, and incorporating the general 
results of the Census of 1881. 

" It forms a volnmo of more than 700 pages, and is a marvellous combination of 
literary condensation and research. It gives a complete account of the Indian 
Empire, Its history, peoples, and products, and forms the worthy outcome 01 
seventeen years of labour with exceptional opportunities for rendering that labour 
fruitful. Nothing could be more lucid than Sir William Hunter's expositions of the 
economic and political condition of India at the present time, or more interesting 
tlian his scholarly history of the India of the past." — The Times. 



Third Edition, post 8vo, cloth, pp. xvi.— 428, price i6s. 




Late of the Universities of Tubingen, Gottingen, and Bonn ; Superintendent 

of Sanskrit Studies, and Professor of Sanskrit in the Poona College. 

Edited and Enlarged by Dr. E. W. WEST. 

To which is added a Biographical INIemoir of the late Dr. Haug 

by Prof. E. P. Evans. 

I. History of the Researches into the Sacred Writings and Religion of the 

Parsis, from the Earliest Times down to the Present. 
II. Languages of the Parsi Scriptures. 
IIL The Zend-Avesta, or the Scripture of the Parsis. 
IV. The Zoroastrian Religion, as to its Origin and Development. 

" ' Essays on the Sacred Ijanguage, Writings, and Religion of the Parsis,' by the 
late Dr. Martin Haug, edited by Dr. E. W. West. The author intended, on his return 
from India, to expand the materials contained in this work into a comprehensive 
account of the Zoroastrian religion, but the design was frustrated by his untimely 
death. We have, however, in a concise and readable form, a history of the researches 
Into the sacred writings and religion of the Parsis from the earliest times down to 
the present— a dissertation on the languages of the Parsi Scriptures, a translation 
of the Zend-Avesta, or the Scripture of the Parsis, and a dissertation on the Zoroas- 
trian religion, with especial reference to its origin and development." — Times. 

Post 8vo, cloth, pp. viii. — 176, price 7s. 6d. 



With Accompanying Narratives. 

Translated from the Chinese by S. BEAL, B.A., Professor of Chinese, 

University College, London. 

The Dhammapada, as hitherto known by the Pali Text Edition, as edited 
by FausboU, by Max Miiller's English, and Albrecht Weber's German 
translations, consists only of twenty-six chapters or sections, whilst the 
Chinese version, or rather recension, as now translated by Mr. Beal, con- 
sists of thirty-nine sections. The students of Pali who possess FausboU's 
t«xt, or either of the above-named translations, will therefore needs want 
Mr. Bfal's English rendering of the Chinese version ; the thirteen above- 
named additional sections not being accessible to them in any other form ; 
for, even if they understand Chinese, the Chinese original would be uu- 
obtainable by them. 

"Mr. Beal's rendering of the Chinese translation is a most valuable aid to the 
critical Kudy of the work. It contains authentic texts gathered from ancient 
oaaonloal books, and generally connected with some incident in tlio history oi 
Boddha. Their great interest, however, consists in the light which they throw uixni 
evaryday life in India at the remote jwriod at whicli they were written, and upon 
tb« metbod of teaching adopted by tlie founder of tlio religion. The method 
anplOfad was principally parable, and the Hin)j>licity of the tales and the excellence 
of Om morals inculcated, as well as the stnuige lioM whicli they have retained upon 
Um mllMU of milUona of peopi- '—v- thoni a verv remarkable study."— 2'imf«. 

" Mr. Beal, by makinsr it : m KukHmIi drcsh, lias mUled to the great ser 

Tkasbabaaabvadyrenaeri-: mitivu stiuiy of religious history."— /IcccieHiv 

•*?alaaU« a* «»».U.««i..„ • „f ti,„ j{,„](iiiiHt8 in its purest, least adul- 

taratad form, >• 1 fuoo t^i face with tliat Blin))lo creed and rule 

oC eood ttct wht' iiiiis of myriads, and which is now nomiuiilly 

pnim mA by j i 4 S ■..■ ■■ • ' its austere simplicity with innximerabfe 

Mrawonlas, lorgott«> . twnlnng, and so invei-tcd its leading 

{NrindpU tbat^araliK' i a Uod, now woi-bhips that founder oh 

a god hinnaii. ■ %c t n *...s.,.. 


Second Edition, post 8vo, cloth, pp. xxiv.— 360, price los. 6d. 



Translated from the Second German Edition by John Mann, RI.A., and 
Theodok Zachariae, Ph.D., with the sanction of the Author. 

Dr. BuHLER, Inspector of Schools in India, writes: — " When I was Pro- 
fessor of Oriental Languages in Elphinstone College, I frequently felt the 
want of such a work to which I could refer the students." 

Professor CowELL, of Cambridge, writes :— "It will be especially useful 
to the students in out Indian colleges and universities. I used to long for 
such a book when I was teaching in Calcutta. Hindu students are intensely 
interested in the history of Sanskrit literature, and this volume will supply 
them with all they want on the su.bject." 

Professor Whitney, Yale College, ISTewhaven, Conn., U.S.A., writes :— 
" I was one of the class to whom the work was originally given in the form 
of academic lectures. At their first appearance they were by far the most 
learned and able treatment of their subject ; and with their recent additions 
they still maintain decidedly the same rank." 

"Is perhaps the most comprehensive and lucid survey of Sanskrit literature 
extant. TLe essays contained in the volume were originally delivered as academic 
lectures, and at the time of their first publication were acknowledged to be by far 
the most learned and able treatment of the subject. They have now been brought 
up to date by the addition of aU the most important results of recent research."— 

Post 8vo, cloth, pp. xii. — 198, accompanied by Two Language 
Maps, price 7s. 6d. 



The Author has attempted to fill up a vacuum, the inconvenience of 
which pres.sed itself on his notice. Much had been written about the 
languages of the East Indies, but the extent of our present knowledge had 
not even been brought to a focus. It occurred to him that it might be of 
use to others to publish in an arranged form the notes which he had collected 
for his own edification. 

" Supplies a deficiency whicli has long been felt." — Thnes. 

" Tlie book before us is then a valuable contribution to philological science. It 
passes under review a vast number of languages, and it gives, or professes to give, in 
every case the sum and substance of the opinions and judgments of the best-informed 
writers." — Saturday Review . 

Second Corrected Edition, post Svp, pp. xii.— 116, cloth, price 5s. 



Translated from the Sanskrit into English Verse by 
Ralph T. H. Griffith, M.A. 

" A very spirited rendering of the Kttmdrasambhava, which was first published 
twenty-six years ago, and which we are glad to see made once more accessible." — 

" Mr. Griffith's very spirited rendering is well known to most who are at all 
interested in Indian literature, or enjoy the tenderness of feeling and rich creative 
imagin.ition of its author." — Indian Antiquary. 

" We are very glad to welcome a second edition of Professor Griffith's jidmirable 
translation. Few translations deserve a second edition better." — Alhen<tuui, 


Post 8vo, pp. 432, cloth, price i6s. 




Late Professor of Hindustani, Staff College. 

"This not only forms an Indispensable book of reference to students of Indian 
literature, but is also of great general interest, as it gives in a concise and easily 
•ooeMiUe form all that need be known about the personages of Hindu msrthology 
wboee names are so famlll^, but of whom so little is known outside the limited 
circle of tavanU." — Time*. 

" It is no slight gain when such subjects are treated fairly and fully in a moderate 
space ; and we need only add that the few wants which we may hope to see supplied 
n new editions detract but little from the general excellence of Mr. Dowson's work." 
-^Saturday Review. 

Post 8vo, with View of Mecca, pp. cxii. — 172, cloth, price 9s. 


Translator of " The Thousand and One Nights ; " &c., &c. 

A New Edition, Revised and Enlarged, with an Introduction by 

Stanley Lane Poole. 

"... Has been long esteemed in this country as the compilation of one of the 

erei^ecfe Arabic scholars of the time, the late Mr. Lane, the well-known translator of 

the 'Arabian Nights.' . . . The present editor has enhanced the value of his 

reUtlTe's work by divesting the text of a great deal of extraneous matter introduced 

by way of comment, and prefixing an introduction." — Times. 

" Mr. Poole is both a generous and a learned biographer. . . . Mr. Poole tells us 
the facts . . . 80 far as it Is possible for industry and criticism to ascertain them, 
and for literary skill to present them in a condensed and readable form."— English- 
Ma«, Caleutta. 

Post 8vo, p]i. vi.— 368, cloth, price 14s. 


Hon. LL.D. of tlie UniverHity of Calcutta, Hon. Member of the Bombay Asiatic 
Society, Bodcn Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Oxford. 
Third Edition, revised and augmented by considerable Additions, 
with Illustrations and a Map. 
•' In this volume we have the thoughtful impressions of a thoughtful man on sonic 
of the meet important questions connected with our Indian Empire, ... An en- 
lightened obeerrant man, travelling among an enlightened observant people, Professor 
Monier Willianu has brought before the imblic in a plexsivnt form more of the manners 
and ouatonu of the Queen's Indian subjects than wc ever remember to have seen in 
any one work. He not only deserves the thanks of every EnglishTuan for this able 
MOtribution to the sttidy of Modenx India— a subject witli which we should be 
•pedally familiar— but he deserves the thanks of every Indian, Parsee or Hindu, 
Buddhist and Moslem, for his clear exposition of their maimers, their creeds, and 
their n soMsitiee. "— Tiinu. 

Post 8vo, pp. xliv.— 376. cloth, price 14s. 



With an Introduction, many Prose Versions, and Parallel Passages from 

Clussicul Authors. 

Bt J. MUIll. C.I.E., D.O.L., LL.D., Ph.D. 

An i frwb le introduction to IIIikI.. i <..- -^rimrg. 

A . ^ ^***"'' .'"*/ ^ ^f**®" •' ^mtUm alike of the religious 

«!? ?^ f??*^** "*** **' ^« l^>g9nd Uio best auuskrit writore."- 


Second Edition, post 8vo, pp. xxvi. — 244, cloth, price ids. 6d. 



Translated for the First Time into Prose and Verse, with an Introductory 
Preface, and a Life of the Author, from the Atish Kadah, 


" It is a very fair rendering of the original. "—Times. 

" The new edition has long been desired, and will be welcomed by all who take 
any interest in Oriental poetry. The Gulistan is a typical Persian verse-book of the 
highest order. Mr. Eastwick's rhymed translation . . . has long established itself in 
u secure position as the best version of Sadi's finest work." — Academy. 

" It is both faithfully and gracefully executed."— Ta6Ze«. 

In Two Volumes, post 8vo, pp. viii. — 408 and viii.— 348, cloth, price 28s. 




Late of the Bengal Civil Service ; Corresponding Member of the Institute ; Chevalier 
of the Legion of Honour ; late British Minister at the Court of Nepal, &c., «fcc. 


Section I. — On the Kocch, B6d6, and Dhimal Tribes. — Part I. Vocabulary. — 
Part II. Grammar,— Part III. Their Origin, Location, Numbers, Creed, Customs, 
Character, and Condition, with a General Description of the Climate they dwell in 

Section II.— On Himalayan Ethnology. — I. Comparative Vocabulary of the Lau 
guages of the Broken Tribes of N^pal.— II. Vocabulary of the Dialects of the Kirant 
Language. — III. Grammatical Analysis of the Vayu Language. The Vayti Grammar. 
—IV. Analysis of the Balling Dialect of the Kiranti Language. The Bdlhing Gram- 
mar.— V. On the Vayu or Hayu Tribe of the Central Himalaya.— VI. On tlie Kiranti 
Tribe of the Central Himalaya. 


Section III. — On the Aborigines of North-Eastern India. Comparative Vocabulary 
of the Tibetan, B6d6, and Gar6 Tongues. 

Section IV.— Aborigines of the North-Eastern Frontier. 

Section V. — Aborigines of the Eastern Frontier. 

Section VI. — The Indo-Chinese Borderers, and their connection with the Hima- 
layans and Tibetans. Comparative Vocabulary of Indo-Chinese Borderers in Arakan. 
Comparative Vocabulary of Indo-Chinese Borderers in Tenasserim. 

Section VII.— The MongoUan Affinities of the Caucasians.— Comparison and Ana- 
lysis of Caucasian and Mongolian Words. 

Section VIII.— Physical Type of Tibetans. 

Section IX.— The Aborigines of Central India. — Comparative Vocabulary of the 
Aboriginal Languages of Central India. — Aborigines of the Eastern Ghats.— Vocabu- 
lary of some of the Dialects of the Hill and Wandering Tribes in the Northern Sircars. 
—Aborigines of the Nilgiris, with Remarks on their Affinities. — Supplement to the 
Nilgirian Vocabularies. — The Aborigines of Southern India and Ceylon. 

Section X. — Route of Nepalese Mission to Pekin, with Remarks on the Water- 
Shed and Plateau of Tibet. 

Section XL— Route from Kathmdndii, the Capital of Nepal, to Darjeeling in 
Sikim. — Memorandum relative to the Seven Cosis of Nepdl. 

Section XII. — Some Accounts of the Systems of Law and Police as recognised in 
the State of Nepdl. 

Section XIIL— The Native Method of making the Paper denominated Hindustan, 

Section XIV.— Pre-eminence of the Vernaculars ; or, the Anglicists Answered ; 
Being Letters on the Education of the People of India. 

" For the study of the less-known races of India Mr. Brian Hodgson's 'Miscellane- 
ous Essays ' will be found very valuable both to the philologist and the ethnologist." 


Third Edition, Two Vols., post 8yo, pp. viiL— 268 and viii.— 326, cloth, 
price 21S. 



The "Ways to Neibban, and Notice on the Phongyies or Burmese Monks. 

By the Right Rev. P. BIGANDET, 

Bishop of Ramatha, Vicar- Apostolic of Ava and Pegu. 

"The work is furnished with copious notes, wnich not only iUustrate the subject- 
matter, but form a perfect encyclopaedia of Buddhist lore." — Times. 

*' A work which will furnish European students of Buddhism with a most valuable 
help in the prosecution of their inve3tiga.tions."— Edinburgh Daily Review. 

" Bishop Bigandet's invaluable work." — Indian Antiquary. 

" Viewed in this light, its importance is sufficient to place students of the subject 
under a deep obligation to its author." — Cidcutta lievieu; 

"This work is one of the greatest authorities ui)on Buddhism." — Dublin Review. 

Post 8vo, pp. xxiv. — 420, cloth, price i8s. 




Author of "China's Place in Philology," "Religion in China," &c., &c. 

" It contains a vast deal of important information on the subject, such as is only 
to be gained by long-continued study on the spot." — Athenaeum. 

" Upon the whole, we know of no work comparable to it for the extent of its 
original research, and the simplicity with which this complicated system of philo- 
sophy, religion, literature, and ritual is set forth." — British Quarterly Review. 

" The whole volunae is replete with learning. ... It deserves most careful study 
from all interested in the history of the religions of the world, and expressly of those 
who are concerned in the propagation of Christianity. Dr. Edkins notices in terms 
of ju»t condemnation the exaggerated praise bestowed upon Buddhism by recent 
- ■• •writers, "—/tecord. 

Post 8vo, pp. 496, cloth, price los. 6d. 


"Written from the Year 1846 to 1878. 

Late Member of Her Majesty's Indian Civil Service ; Hon. Secretary to 

the Royal Asiatic Society; 

and Author of " The Modern Languages of the East Indies." 

** We know none who has described Indian life, CRpecially the life of the natives, 
with no much learning, Mympathy, and literary talent."— .<4ca(/ej)iy. 

"TUoy ioem to us to 1>o full of suggestive and original remarks."— S^ James's Gazette. 

•* nia book contains a vnat amount of information. The result of thirty-five years 
of inquiry, reflection, and Hpoculation, and tliat uu subjects as full of fascination as 
of food for thought."— TabUt. 

'* Exhibit auoh a thorough acquaintance with the history and antiquities of India 
as to etttiUa him tr) tpeak m one having authority."— 2k'(/m6ur£r/i Daily Review. 

The author speaks with the autliorityof personal experience It is this 

with the country and the people which gives such a vividness 
to many of tho pagw."— ^(iUiwvitni. 


Post 8vo, pp. civ. — 348, cloth, price iBs. 


The Oldest Collection of Folk-lore Extant : 


For the first time Edited iu the original Pali. ' 


And Translated by T. W. Rhys Davids. 

Translation. Volume I. 

"These are tales supposed to have been told by the Buddha of what he had seen 
and heard in his previous births. They are probably the nearest representatives 
of the original Aryan stories from which sprang the folk-lore of Europe as well as 
India. The introduction contains a most interesting disquisition on the migrations 
of these fables, tracing their reappearance in the various groups of folk-lore legends. 
Among other old friends, we meet with a version of the Judgment of Solomon. " — Times. 

" It is now some years since Mr. Rhys Davids asserted his right to be heard on 
this subject by his able article on Buddhism in the new edition of the ' Encyclopajdia 
Britannica,' " — Leeds Mercmy. 

" All who are interested in Buddhist literature ought to feel deeply indebted to 
Mr. Rhys Davids. His well-established reputation as a Pali scholar is a sufficient 
guarantee for the fidelity of his version, and the stylo of his translations is deserving 
of high praise." — Academi/. 

'•' No more competent expositor of Buddhism coiild be found than Mr. Rhys Davids. 
In the Jataka book we have, then, a priceless record of the earliest imaginative 
literature of our race ; and ... it presents to us a nearly complete picture of the 
social life and customs and popular beliefs of the common people ot Aryan tribes, 
closely related to ourselves, just as they were passing through the first stages of 
civiUsation." — St. James's Gazette. 

Post 8vo, pp. xxviii. — 362, cloth, price 14s. 




Compiled and Translated by PAUL ISAAC HERSHON, 

Author of " Genesis According to the Talmud," &c. 

"With Notes and Copious Indexes. 

" To obtain in so concise and handy a form as this volume a general idea of the 
Talmud is a boon to Christians at least." — Times. 

" Its peculiar and popular character will make it attractive to general readers. 
Mr. Hershon is a very competent scholar. . . . Contains samples of the good, bad, 
and indifferent, and especially extracts that throw light upon the Scriptures." 
British Quarterly Mevieio. 

" Will convey to English readers a more complete and truthful notion of the 
Talmud than any other work that has yet appeared. "—IiaiZ?/ Neics, 

" Without overlooking in the slightest the several attractions of the previous 
volumes of the ' Oriental Series.' we have no hesitation in saying that this surpasses 
them interest." — Edinhm-gh Daiiy Review. 

" Mr. Hershon has . . . thus given English readers what is, we believe, a fair set 
of specimens which they can test for themselves."— T/te Record. 

" Tliis book is by far the best fitted in the present state of knowledge to enable the 
general reader to gain a fair and unbiassed conception of the multifarious contents 
of the wonderful miscellany which can only be truly understood— so Jewish pride 
asserts — by the life-long devotion of scholars of the Chosen Feo-ple."— Inquirer. 

" The value and importance of this volume consist in the fact that scarcely a single 
extract is given in its ]iages Vjut throws some light, direct or refracted, upon those 
Scriptures which are the common heritage of Jew and Christian alike."— /oA» Bull. 

" It is a capital specimen of Hebrew scholarship ; a monument of learned, loving, 
light-giving labour," — Jticish Herald. 


Post 8vo, i)p. xii.— 228, cloth, price 7s. 6d. 


By basil hall chamberlain, 

Author of " Yeigo Heukaku Shiran." 

" A very curious volume. The author has manifestly devoted much labour to the 
task of studying the poetical literature of the Japanese, and rendering characteristic 
specimens into Ens^'lish verse." — Daili/ Neios. 

" Mr. Chamberlain's volume is, so far 93 we are avrare, the first attempt which has 
been made to interpret the literature of the Japanese to the Western world. It is to 
the classical jxMJtry of Old Japan that we must turn for indigenous Japanese thought, 
and in the volume before us we have a selection from that poetry rendered into 
graceful English verse." — Tablet. 

♦*It is undoubtedly one of the best translations of lyric literature which has 
appeared during the close of the last year." — Celestial Empire. 

" Mr. Chamberlain set himself a difficult task when he undertook to reproduce 
Japanese poetry in an EngUsh form. But he has evidently laboured con amove, and 
his efforts are successful to a degree." — London and China Express. 

Post Bvo, pp. xiu — 164, cloth, price los. 6d. 

THE HISTORY OF ESARHADDON (Son of Sennacherib), 

KING OF ASSYRIA, B.C. 681-668. 

Translated from the Cuneiform Inscriptions upon Cylinders and Tablets in 
the British Museum Collection ; together with a Grammatical Analysis 
of each "Word, Explanations of the Ideographs by Extracts from the 
Bi-Lingual Syllabaries, and List of Eponyms, &c. 

Assyrian Exhibitioner, Christ's College, Cambridge. 

•* Students of scriptural archaeology will also appreciate the ' History of Esar- 
haddon.' "—Times. 

" There is much to attract the scholar in this volume. It does not pretend to 
popularise studies which are yet in their infancy. Its primary object is to translate, 
but it does not assume to be more than tentative, and it offers both to the professed 
Assyriologist and to the ordinary non-Assyriological Semitic scholar the means of 
controlling its results." — Academy. 

"Mr. Budge's book is, of course, mainly addressed to Assyrian scholars and 
students. They are not, it is to be feared, a very numerous class. But the moie 
thanks are due to him on that account for the way in which he has acquitted himself 
in his laborious task.."— Tablet. 

Post 8vo, pp. 448, cloth, price 21s. 


(Usually known as The Mesneviyi Sherif, or Holy Mesnevi) 



Book the First. 
Together with tome Account of the Life and Acts of the Author^ 
of his Ancestors^ and of his Descendants. 
Illustrated by a Selection of Characteristic Anecdotes, as Collected 
by their Historian, 
Mevlana Shem8u-'D-Din Ahmed, el Eflaki, el 'Arifi. 
Translated, and the Poetry Versified, in English, 
*• A oompteU treasury of occult Oriental lorn."— Saturday Review. 
"Thl« book will b« a very valuable help to the reader ignorant of Persia, who Is 
Msiruus of obtaining an insight into a very Important deiwrtmont of the literature 
•ztant in that language. "— Toilet. 


Post 8vo, pp. xvi.— 280, cloth, price 6s. 

Illustrating Old Truths. 

Br Rev. J. LONG, 

Member of the Bengal Asiatic Society, F.R.G.S. 

" We regard the book as valuable, and wish for it a wide circulation and attentive 
reading. "—Record. 

" Altogether, it is quite a feast of good things."— ffio&c. 
" It is full of interesting matter." — Antiquary. 

Post Bvo, pp. viii. — 270, cloth, price 7s. 6d. 


Containing a New Edition of the " Indian Song of Songs," from the Sanscrit 
of the "Gita Goviuda" of Jayadeva ; Two Books from "The Iliad of 
India" (Mahabharata), "Proverbial Wisdom" from the Shlokas of the 
HitopadesH, and other Oriental Poems. 
By EDWIN ARNOLD, C.S.L, Author of "The Light of Asia." 

" In this new volume of Messrs. Trlibner's Oriental Series, Mr. Edwin Arnold does 
good service by illustrating, through the medium of his musical English melodies, 
the power of Indian poetry to stir European emotions. Tlie ' Indian tSong of Songs ' 
is not unknown to scholars. Mr. Arnold will have introduced it among popular 
Englisii poems. Nothing could be more graceful and delicate than the shades by 
which Krishna is portrayed in the gradual process of being weaned by the love of 

' Beautiful Radha, jasmine-bosomed Radha,' 
from the allurements of the forest nymphs, in whom the five senses are typified." — 

" No other English poet has ever thrown his genius and his art so thoroughly into 
the work of translating Eastern ideas as Mr. Arnold has done in his splendid para- 
phrases of language contained in these mighty epics. " —Daily Telegraph. 

" The poem abounds with imagery of Eastern luxuriousness and sensuousm ss ; the 
air seems laden with the spicy odours of the tropics, and the verse has a richness and 
a melody sufiicient to captivate the senses of the dullest." — Standard. 

" The translator, while producing a very enjoyable poem, has adhered with toler- 
able fidelity to the original teyit."— Overland Mail. 

" We certainly wish Mr. Arnold success in his attempt ' to popularise Indian 
classics,' that being, as his preface tells us, the goal towards which he bends his 
efforts." — Allen's Indian Mail. 

Post Bvo, pp. xvi. — 296, cloth, price los. 6d. 




A SYSTEMATIC Digest of the Doctrines of the Chinese Philosopheb 


Translated from the Original Text and Classified, with 
Comments and Explanations, 

By the Rev. ERNST FABER, Rhenish Mission Society. 

Translated from the German, with Additional Notes, 

By the Rev. A. B. HUTCHINSON, C.M.S., Church Mission, Hong Kong. 

" Mr. Faber is already well known in the field of Chinese stuiiies by his digest of 
the doctrines of Confucius. The value of this work will be perceived when it is 
remembered that at no tiu)e since relations commenced between China and the 
West has the former been so powerful — we had almost said aggressive — as now. 
For those who will give it careful study, Mr. Faber's work is one of the most 
valuable of the excellent series to which it belongs." — Nature. 

A 2 


Post 8vo, pp. 336, cloth, price 168. 


By a. earth. 

Translated from the French with the authority and assistance of the Author. 

The autlior has, at the request of the publishers, considerably enlarged 
the work for the translator, and has added the literature of the subject to 
date ; the translation may, therefore, be looked upon as an equivalent of a 
new and improved edition of the original. 

" Is not only a valuable manual of the religions of India, which marks a distinct 
step in the treatment of the subject, but alao a useful work of reicrencQ."— Academy. 

" This volume is a reproduction, with corrections and additions, of an article 
contributed by the learned author two years ago to the ' Encyclopedic des Sciences 
Religieuses.' It attracted much notice when it first appeared, and is generally 
admitted to present the beat summary extant of the vast subject with which it 
AeaXi."— Tablet. 

" This is not only on the whole the best but the only manual of the religions of 
India, apart from Buddhism, which we have in English. The present work , . . 
shows not only great knowledge of the facts and power of clear exposition, but also 
grreat insight into the inner history and the deeper meaning of the great religion, 
for it is in resility only one, which it proposes to describe." — Modern Revieic. 

" The merit of the work has been emphatically recognised by the most authoritative 
Orientalists, both in this country and on the continent of Europe, But probably 
there are few Indianists (if we may use the word) who would not derive a good deal 
of information from it, and especially from the extensive bibliography provided in 
the notes." — Dublin Revietc. 

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Translated from the Sanskrit 

By the Rev. B. HALE WORTHAM, M.R.A.S., 

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Author of "Elen^ents of Pali Grammar," "Translation of the 
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By the shamans HWUI LI and YEX-TSUNG. 

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(Triu. Coll., Camb.); Professor of Chinese, University College, London; 

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Legend of Sakya Budda," &c. 
When the Pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang returned from his travels in India, he 
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been constructed by the Emperor in honour of the Empress, Wen-te-hau. 
After Hiuen Tsiang's death, his disciple, Hwui Li, composed a work which 
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dfrom Bastern Hstatic Sources* 







(academie des inscriptions et belles lettres). 




: "l 

-:^ N DON: 


[ All riylUs reserved. ] 

'BaHantjme -pwsjs 







intkoductory notices 3 

Identification of the Geographical Names of the 

Chinese Medieval Map i8 

I. Countries and Places East and South of the 
Middle Empire (Chagatai)— 

Sha choii i8 

Ko-mu-li = Kamul, Hami 20 

T'a-shi-ba-li = Tashbalik 21 

T'u-bo-t'e = Tibet 21 

T'ien-du = India 25 

K'i-shi-mi-rh = Kashmir 26 

11. Countries and Places in the Empire of Dulai T'ie- 
MU-RH (Middle Empire)— 

Wei-wu-rh = Uigurs 26 

Bie-shi-ba-li = Bishbalik 27 

Ho-la-huo-djo = Karakhodjo 30 

Lii-gu-ch'en = Lukchak 31 

T'a-gu-sin = Toksun(?) 32 

Djang-ba-li = Djanibalik 32 

Gu-t'a-ba = Khutukbai 32 

Yang-ghi-ba-li = Yangbalik 33 

A-li-ma-li = Almalik 33 



Country of the Ko-rh-lu = Karluks 

Fu-la = Pulad . 

Ye-mi-slii = Emil (Imil) 

I-li-ba-U = lUbalik . 

Ye-yiin-cb'i . 

K'u-ch'a = Kucha 

Wo-chi = Uch . 

Ba-li-mang . 

K'o-shi-ha-rh = Kashgar 


Hu-t'an = Khotan 

T'u-lu-ki = Turkestan . 

A-t'e-ba-shi = At-bash . 

0-dsi-han = Uzgend . 

Ko-san = Kasan . 

Ba-bu = Pap 

Ma-rh-i-nang = Marghinan 

Hu-djan = Khodjend . 

Ch'a-ch'i = Chach or Tashkend 

U-ti-la-rh = Otrar 

Sa-ma-rh-kan = Samarkand 

Na-hei-sha-bu = Nakhsheb (Karshi) 

Bu-lma-la = Bokhara . 

Di-li-an - Daran (?) . 

Ko-t'i = Katli 

Te-rh-mi = Termed . 

T'u-sz' = Tus 

Ba-da-ha-shang = Badakhshan 

K'o-bu-li = Kabul 

K'o-dsi-niug = Ghiznin or Ghazna 




III. Countries and Places in the Empire of Yue-dsu-bu 

Kin-cha = Kipchak 68 

A-lo-sz' s= Russia 73 

Bu-li-a-rh = Bulgar 8i 

Sa-ghi-la = Solgat (?) 84 

A'lan A-Bz' = Alans or Ases 84 

Sa>rh-ko-Bz' s Circassia 90 



Hua-la tsz'-mu = Khorazm 91 

Sai-lan = Sairam 94 

Ba-rh-ch'i-li-lian = Barkhalighkend ... . . • 95 

Djan-di = Djend 95 

IV. Countries and Places in the Empire of Bu-sa-yin, 

Ba-mou = Bamian (?) 96 

T'a-ba-sin = Tliabessan 96 

Fa-yin = Kain (?) 96 

Bu-sz'-t'e = Bost 97 

T'a-li-gan = Talekan 97 

Ba-li-hei = Balkh 100 

Nai-sha-bu-rh = Nishabur 10 1 

Sa-la-ha-si = Saraklis 102 

Ba-wa-rh-di = Baverd 102 

Ma-li-wu = Maru, Merv 103 

Di-H-sz'-dan = Dihistan 104 

Dju-li-djang = Djiirdjan . 105 

T'a-mi-she = Thamiseh 105 

Si-mu-niang = Simnan 106 

Sa-li-ya = Saria or Sari 106 

A-mu-li = Amol 107 

Hu-wa-rh = Kliovar 107 

Di-lien = Dilem 108 

A-la-mu-t'e = Alamut 109 

Lan-ba-sa-rh = Lembesser 109 

Ghirdkuh no 

K'o-dsi-yun = Kazvin no 

Sa-wa = Sava m 

Ko-shang = Kashan 112 

I-sz'-fa-hang = Isfahan U2 

A-ba-ha-rh = Abhar u, 

Sun-dan-ni-ya = Sultaniah 113 

Dsan-djang = Zendjan 1 14 

Du-rh-ben = Derbend u^ 

Ba-rh-da-a = Bardaa . . .* no 

She-li-wang'= Shirvan 120 

Sa-li-mang = Taklit i Soleiman (?) 121 



Mao-si-li = Mosul 122 

U-k'i-ba-la = Okbara 123 

Ba-ghi-da = Bagdad 123 

K'u-fa = Kufah 125 

Wa-si-di = Vasit 126 

K'i-li-iiiaii--!sha-liang = Kirmanshalian .... 126 

Na-ha-'svan-di = Naliavand 127 

Lo-rh = Lor, Luristan 127 

She-la-tsz' = Slmlistan 127 

Sie-la-shi = Shiraz 128 

Ko-dsa-limg = Kazerun 129 

K'ie-shi = Kisli 129 

Ba-ha-la-yin = Baharain 130 

Hu-li-nm-tsz' = Hormuz 130 

V. Countries and Places makked on the Map West of 
THE Dominions of Abu Said— 
Ki-sz'-da-ni = Konstantinah, Constantinople . . .135 

Mi-sz'-rh = Misr or Egypt 135 

Di-mi-shi-ghi = Damascus 136 

Dan-Ya = Damiat _ 136 




Preliminary Notices 139 

Accounts of Foreign Countries and especially those 
OF Central and Western Asia, drawn from the 


'I'll-- .MMI.-..U and theOirats 159 

Wu-liaug-ha 173 

Nu-chi or Churclie 175 

Si Yij, Countries of the West— 

H.itiii 176 

i'i<« <lM'n;,' 184 

Hue chou (Kjiialvli(.(lj(.) 186 

'i'u-ln-fan ('rinlanj 189 



Si fan 203 

An-ting 205 

A-duan 208 

K'u-sien 210 

Ch'i-ghin 211 

Sha choii 215 

Han-dung 218 

Han-dung the Left 219 

Ha-mei-li 219 

Wu-sz'-dsang (Tibet) 221 

A-nan-gung-de in Si t'ien 221 

Ni-ba-la (Nepal) 222 

Su-du-sung-djo 223 

Dogan and other districts of Tibet 224 

Bishbalik, Moghulistan, Jetes 225 

Ha-shi-ha-rh (Kashgar) 245 

Yii-t'ien (Khotan) 246 

Sai-lan (Sairam) 250 

Ta-shi-gan (Tashkend) 25 1 

Yang-i (Yanghikand) 251 

Sha-lu-liai-ya (Shahrokia) 253 

An-di-gan (Andekan) 255 

Sa-ma-rh-han (Samarkand) 256 

Bu-hua-rh (Bokhara) 271 

Hei-lon (Khorassan ?) 272 

K'o-shi (Kesh) 273 

T'ie-li-mi (Termed) 275 

An-du-huai (Andkhui) 275 

Ba-da-hei-shang (Badakhshan) 276 

Ha-lie (Herat) 278 

K'i-li-ma-rh (Kirman ?) 290 

I-sz'-fu-han (Isfahan) 291 

Shi-la-sz' (Shiraz) 292 

T'ao-lai-sz' (Tauriz) 294 

T'ienfang (Arabia, Mecca) 294 

Mo-de-na (Medina) 304 

Dsu-fa-rh (Zliafar), A-dan (Aden), La-sa (El Hasa) . . 305 

Lu-mi (Rum) 306 

Mi-si-rh (Egypt) 308 

Various countries 310 


European Nations— 


Fo-lang-glii (Franks), Portuguese 316 

Lii-sung (Luzon), Spaniards 319 

Ho-lan, Hung raao fan, Dutch 320 

Ki lung slian, T ai wan, Formosa 322 

Fu-lin (Byzanz) 323 

I-ta-li-ya (Italy) ; the Jesuit Missionaries .... 324 

Notice of a Chinese Itinerary of the Ming Period to 

Western Asia 329 

Index of Proper Names and Subjects . . . -333 
Index of Titles of Books and Authors . . . .350 

part Mh 




An interesting specimen of mediaeval cartography, showing 
the geographical knowledge possessed by the Chinese (or 
rather Mongols), in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, 
of the countries west of China and Mongolia, has come down 
to us in the form of a rude map which has survived from a 
large work treating of the institutes of the Mongol empire 
and published in the first half of the fourteenth century. 
The title of this extensive work was King shi ta tien ; but 
it seems that now only fragments of it exist. The library of 
the Kussian Ecclesiastical Mission in Peking was in former 
times in possession of a manuscript copy of one chapter 
of the work, containing an enumeration of the stations on 
the post-roads in China Proper and a part of Mongolia. 
This now belongs to the library of the Kumiantsoff Museum 
at Moscow. 

This Chinese mediseval map, which may serve as a pen- 
dant to the curious Catalan map of the year 1375, repro- 
duced, as far as Asia is concerned, in Yule's "Cathay," bears 
the title Yilan King shi ta tien si pei pi ti li Vu, or " Map 
from the King shi ta tien of the Yuan dynasty, represent- 
ing the countries to the north-west (of China Proper)." I 
have seen two copies of it. One of them, in the library of 
the Eussian Mission, was made, as the late Archimandrite 
Palladius informed me, from the original in the Chinese 
Imperial Library. Palladius, in his translation of Chiang 
Ch'un's travels, reproduces this map in Eussian spelling, 
without however venturing any identification of the geo- 
graphical and other proper names found in it. The other 


copy I discovered in the first edition of the Hai kuo f'u chi 
(1844), a modern Chinese work on the historical geography 
of Asia.785 

More than a hundred names of places and countries of 
Central and Western Asia, and even Eastern Europe, 
appear on our Chinese mediaeval map in Chinese charac- 
ters ; and we shall see that almost all these names can be 
easily identified with geographical names occurring in the 
writings of the Mohammedan authors of that period, or 
in the narratives of European mediaeval travellers through 

At the end of the geographical part of the Yilan shi, 
in chap, xliii., there is an appendix entitled Si pei ti, 
i.e., "the countries to the north-west (of China Proper)." 
It consists of an enumeration of countries and places. 
Occasionally some descriptive details are added. Even a 
superficial comparison proves that the Si pei ti and the 
ancient map from the King shi ta tien correspond, the 
former being a list of the countries and places marked on 
the map. There are, however, in the Si pei ti some 
names of places which are omitted from the map ; and a 
few names appearing on the map are not found in the 
text of the Si pei ti. 

The map of Central and Western Asia from the King 
shi ta tien seems to be the oldest Chinese cartographical 

'* The Hai kuo t'u chi is a book well known to European sinologues. 
Pauthier, in his "M. Polo," quotes it frequently. Stan. Julien, in his 
"Mdlanges de G^ographie Asiatique," i. 124 seq., gives a long review of 
it, and explains the numerous historical maps of Asia found at the be- 
Ifinning of the work, with the only exception of that curious map which 
formB the subject of my investigations in the present section. He passes 
it over in silence, although it is the only interesting map in the book ; 
the rest; of the historical maps the Chinese author produces being pure 
inventiona of his fancy, without any value. The great sinologue was 
ftppMrently puzzled to know what to say of this map ; and, indeed, when 
Moing it for the first time, without other indications, it is difficult to guess 
what it is intended to represent, all the more so as, according to our car- 
togrftphical oonoeptions, it is turned upside down. In Chinese maps 
Anterior to the arrival of the Jesuits, South is always at the top and North 
At the bottom. 


production extant. There is no doubt that the Chinese 
possessed maps of China, and even of the countries west of 
China, Central Asia, at a far earlier period. Stan. Julien, 
in his "Mel. de Geogr. Asiat.," 199 se^'., mentions several 
Chinese works of the seventh century, treating of Western 
countries and accompanied with maps. There was the 
S^ci Si yil t\i hi, " Description of the Countries in the West, 
with maps," published a.d. 606, at the time of the Sui 
dynasty. A similar work, entitled, Tang Si yil fu c7i% 
also with maps, was published A.D. 650. But these books 
have long been lost, together with their maps, and only 
fragments of them have survived in the form of quotations 
in other works.'^^^ The historical maps presented in the 
above-mentioned Hai kuo t'u chi are all of the author's 
own invention, and therefore mere nonsense, without any 
value. He used no ancient historical map, nor does he 
even mention the above-quoted ancient works on Western 
countries. Thus the map of the countries in the West, at 
the time of the Yiian dynasty, as given in the Hai kuo t*u 
chi, and translated by Pauthier in his " M. Polo," is not a 
genuine map of the Mongol period, as he seems to believe.'^^'' 
The Chinese mediaeval map on which we are now about 
to comment, although very interesting as an ancient docu- 
ment, has no high claim to correctness and completeness. 
At first sight it is even difficult to realise that a geogra- 
phical map (in our modern Western sense) has been in- 
tended. We find no rivers, lakes, or mountains marked. 
The whole sheet appears covered by regular squares 
formed by straight rectangular lines. Each side of these 
squares seems to represent 100 Chinese li. Some of the 
squares contain Chinese characters, names of countries 
and places. Besides the above-mentioned straight (fine) 

78* The preface of the Si yil t'u Tci has been preserved in the history of 
the Sui dynasty. Professor C. F. Neumann translated it into German in 
his " Asiatische Studien," 1837. 

'^ Pauthier, however, does not represent the configuration of the 
original map of the Hai kuo t'u chi, but adapts it to our geographical 
knowledge. The original map has no resemblance to the truth. 


lines, we observe on the map also some thicker lines, 
stretching irregularly, and intended evidently to mark 
political divisions. Thus the map appears divided into 
three parts, each of the parts being provided with a de- 
nomination in large characters. In the same way the list 
of geographical names in the Si pei ti is divided into 
three sections with the same headings as on the map, viz., 
the most eastern part shows the characters Du-lai tie- 
mu-rh; the north-western division is marked Yue-dsu-hi ; 
the south-western, Bu-sai-yin. 

As has been noticed above, the map in question be- 
longed originally to the King shi ta tien, a work appa- 
rently corresponding to the Ta Tsing Hui tien of the 
present dynasty, which treats of the various institutes of 
the government. We find in the Yuan shi, Annals, s. a. 
1 33 1, the following statement : " The Emperor ordered the 
members of the Han tin yilan (National Academy) and 
others to collect all the documents referring to the insti- 
tutes of the (Mongol) dynasty, and to publish a work on 
the model of the Htci yao, of the T^ang and the Sung 
dynasties,^^^ and to entitle it King shi ta tien!' This is 
all I have been able to gather respecting this work. The 
date of its publication, a.d. 1331, or a few years later, 
aids us in explaining the above-mentioned three names , 
on the map, viz., Du-lai fie-mu-rh, Yiie-dsu-bu, and Bu-sai- 
yin^ which can easily be recognised as the names of the 
Mongol Khans reigning, according to the Persian authors, 
at the time spoken of in Turkestan, Kipchak, and Persia, 
\iz., Dtcre Timur, Uzheg, SindAhu Said ; ^^^ and thus we are 

'" Wy lie's "Notes on Chin. Lit," 56. 

^•* We may observe that Abu Said, Hkhan of Persia, 13 1 7-35, is 
called BusBay by the Archbishop of Sultaniah ("The Book of the Estate 
of the Great Caan," 1330; see Yule's "Cathay," 238). Pegolotti, who 
wrote about the same time, terms him Bonsaet. He is called Busaid by 
Home Arabic writers and on some IVfongol coins. The Pope, in address- 
ing him, calls him Boyuethan (i.e., Busain Khan). Comp. Yule, I. c. 299 ; 
d'OhMon, iv. 716. Uzbeg, 1312-42, is called Ozbiak in the Russian 
annals, and U$beeh by the Archbishop of Sultaniah. The Uzbegs of our 
dayi derive their name from this prince. 


enabled to see that the map is intended to represent the 
three Mongol empires west of China, governed by the 
descendants of Chinghiz Khan. All the other names on 
the map, written in smaller characters, denote countries 
and cities situated in these tracts ; and we meet especially 
with such names as are mentioned by the Mohammedan 
authors in connection with the wars of that period. The 
greater part of them do not appear in the Chinese or 
Mongol annals, whilst others, spoken of in the annals, 
have been omitted from the map. 

If we take into consideration the time when this carto- 
graphical attempt was constructed in the Far East, and 
the great distance from China of the countries represented, 
we must of course be indulgent as to the topographical 
blunders which occasionally appear on the map. Ap- 
parently it has been executed in China, and that only 
from hearsay. Hence the relative positions of the places 
are not always in accordance with fact. It is remarkable, 
however, that the names, when compared with the same 
as given by the Persian historiographers, show as close 
an approximation to the original sound as the Chinese 
language is capable of expressing. It is needless to 
observe that the principal value of the map consists in 
its high antiquity, and in the picture it gives us of the 
geographical knowledge the Mongols and Chinese pos- 
sessed in the Middle Ages of the countries west of China. 

Before commenting upon the countries and places 
mentioned on the map or in the Si pei ti, it may be well 
to say a few words on the origin and history of the three 
great Mongol monarchies in the western half of Asia, 
which, together with the dominions of the Great Khan 
(Mongolia, China Proper, Tibet), formed the vast empire 
conquered by Chinghiz and his successors. 

According to the instructions given by Chinghiz Khan, 
his empire, after his death, was divided among his sons, 
Ogotai, Djuchi, and Chagatai. Ogotai (the third son) 
with the title of Great Khan, then reigned over China 


Proper, Mongolia, Tibet, Annam, &c. ; Chagatai (the second 
son), in Turkestan and Transoxiana ; whilst the countries 
north of the Caspian Sea and around the lake of Khorazm 
(Aral), Kussia, with Poland, &c., had been bestowed upon 
Djuchi, the eldest son of Chinghiz, or, as he died before 
his father, these dominions fell to the share of his sons. 
This dynasty is generally called the Golden Horde (Eussian 
annals), or DesJit Kipchah (Mohammedan authors). The 
Khans resided in Sarai, on the bank of the Akhtuba, a 
branch of the Lower Volga. The author of the Tarikh 
Djihankushai (d'Ohsson, ii. 2) states that the dominions 
of Djuchi extended to the west as far as the soil had been 
trodden by Tartar horses. In the Ylian history (chap, 
cxvii., biography of Djuchi) we read that the land assigned 
to him was situated north-west of the residence (Peking), 
and very far off. It takes two hundred days to reach that 
country when travelling by the post-road. Owing to this 
remoteness, it is very imperfectly known. Tului, the 
fourth son of Chinghiz, obtained by inheritance only an 
appanage between the mountains of Karakorum and the 
sources of the Onan (Onon river in Northern Mongolia), 
and also his father's private property. But after the 
death of Ogotai's son Kuyuh (Great Khan, 1246-48), 
Tului's son Mangu was placed on the throne of China, in 
1 251; and thus the descendants of Tului became the 
reigning branch in Eastern Asia; Ogotai had originally 
his appanage on the river Imil, south-west of the present 
Chuguchak. When the princes of this branch revolted 
against Mangu Khan, they fortified their possessions. 
Kaidu, the grandson of Ogotai,^^^ subsequently conquered 
a part of Turkestan, and for thirty years disputed the 
suzerainty with the Great Khan Kubilai. 

The tract assigned by Chinghiz, in the distribution of 

^ He was a son of Kaahi, son of Ogotai. Kaidu is called Ifai-du in 
the Yuan 8hi, and his father J7o-«Ai (chap, cvii., geneal. tabl.). Hai-du's 
name ia frequently mentioned in the annals of the Yiian shi, reign of 


his provinces, to his son Ghagatai, embraced Mavar-an- 
nahar (Transoxiana), and part of Khorazm, the Uigur 
country, Kashgar, Badakhshan, and the province of Ghazna 
to the banks of the Sind. Bishbalik, north of the Eastern 
T'ien shan (see note 15 7), was at first the head-quarters of 
the khans, which was subsequently transferred to Almalih 
(near the present Kuldja). At an early date, however, in 
the history of Chagatai's dynasty, the claims of Kaidu to 
the supreme khanship seem to have led to a partition of 
the Ghagatai territory, for Kaidu held under his own im- 
mediate sway a large tract, the greater part of which 
belonged apparently to the appanage of Ghagatai, over 
which Kaidu exercised superiority. It is not very clear 
what were the limits between Kaidu's territory and that 
of the Ghagatai Khans .; but it may be gathered that 
Kaidu's dominions included Kashgar and Yarkand, and 
all the cities bordering on the south side of the T'ien shan 
as far east as Karakhoja, as well as the valley of the Talas 
Eiver, and all the country north of the T'ien shan from 
Lake Balkash eastward to the Ghagan Nor, and the country 
farther north between the Upper Yenisei and the Irtysh. 
During a great part of Kaidu's struggles, he found a 
staunch ally in Dua, the son of Borak, whom he had set 
upon the throne of Ghagatai in 1272. After Kaidu's 
death in 1301, his son and successor, Chahar,'^^'^ joined 
with Dua in making submission to Timur, the successor 
of Kubilai ; but before long the two former princes having 
quarrelled, Dua seized the territory of Chabar, and thus 
substantially reunited the whole of the original appanage 
of Ghagatai, as it had been before the schism of Kaidu 
(Yule's " Gathay," 522). 

At the time our map was constructed (about 1330), 
bhere seems to have been only one empire in Gentral 

^*^ Dua's name in the Yiian shi reads Du-wa. Chabar is called CKa- 
ba-rh there. The latter had the Chinese title Ju ning u-ang (prince of Ju 
; ning, which latter is still the name of a city in the province of Honan). 
Yiian shi, chaps, cvii., eviii., geneal. tabl. 


Asia, ruled by a khan of the lineage of Chagatai ; for the 
map, and likewise the Si pei ti, include all the places 
of Uiguria, Turkestan, Transoxiana, Kabul, Badakhshan, 
&c., in the empire of Du-lai fie-mu-rh, by which latter 
name doubtless Dure Timur, a son of Dua, is intended. 
He was khan of the Chagatai empire about 1330. See 
d'Ohsson, iv., geneal. tabl. 2, branche de Tchagatai. 

The countries west of the Djihun or Oxus (Persia) 
conquered by Chinghiz were, after the death of the 
conqueror, at first considered as common property by 
his sons, and accordingly governed by mutual agree- 
ment (d'Ohsson, iii. 104). When, however, Hulagu, the 
brother of Mangu Khan, had conquered the rest of Persia 
and overthrown the Calif of Bagdad, in 1258, he was 
invested by his brother with the title of Ilkhan, and 
ruled over Persia, Mesopotamia, Babylon, Armenia. He 
was the founder of the Mogul dynasty known under the 
name of the Ilkhans, who maintained themselves in those 
countries, partly, at least, down to the time when the 
Great Timur or Tamerlane overran Western Asia, in the 
end of the fourteenth century. It may be concluded from 
the records of the Mohammedan authors that, on the west, 
the Chagatai or Middle empire was separated from the 
dominions of the Ilkhans by the Djihun or Oxus River, and 
the boundary seems to be thus represented also on the 
ancient map. As to Abu Said (the Biu-sai-yin on the 
map), he was a descendant of Hulagu, in the fourth degree, 
and reigned over Persia, 1317-35. See d'Ohsson, iv., 
geneaL tabl. i. 

As regards the khans of the Golden Horde, or Desht 
Kipchak, who had their residence in Sarai (v. supra), their 
dominions were situated west of the Middle empire, and 
north of the empire of the Ilkhans. Our ancient map 
assigns them to Yue-dsu-hu, by which name evidently 
Uzbeg is meant, a descendant in the fifth degree of Chin- 
ghiz Khan's son Djuchi. Comp. note 789. 

Thus we have in the first half of the fourteenth century, at 


the time when our Chinese mediseval map was constructed, 
three great Mongol monarchies west of China. Nominally 
the khans of these empires owned a supreme head in the 
Great Khan reigning in China ; but practically they are 
generally considered to have been nearly independent. 
We know, however, from letters of the Persian khans 
Argun and Oeldjaitu, addressed to the King of France in 
1289 and 1305, that they continued to use the Chinese 
seals of state which the Great Khan bestowed upon them 
(Pauthier's "M. Polo," yyy, 781). They stamped also the 
name of the Great Khan upon their coins, and designated 
themselves merely as daruga or governors (d'Ohsson, iii. 

It is also worthy of notice that the khans of Turkestan 
and Persia, and even those reigning over the territories 
east and west of the Volga (Golden Horde), had their 
appanages in China, and that up to the fourteenth cen- 
tury, as we may fairly assume from the evidence I shall 
produce from the Yuan History. 

In the Yuan shi. Annals, s. a. 1236 (Northern China 
then had just been subdued by the Mongols), we read : 
"The Emperor granted to the empress-dowager, the princes 
and princesses, appanages in China. (They are all enume- 
rated, and also the appanages. I shall only mention three.) 
Wa-lu-do and Ba-du (Orda and Batu, both sons of Djuchi) 
received the department of P^ing yang (in the province of 
Shansi) ; and Ch'a-ha-dai (Chagatai) received T'ai yilan 
(also in Shansi). Ye-liL Chants' ai (Ogotai's minister) pre- 
sented a report pointing out the inadequacy of such a 
management ; whereupon the Emperor ordered da-lu-hua- 
dii (daruga = Mongol governors) to be appointed over the 
land given as appanages, and that the princes and others 
should merely receive the revenues." A whole chapter in 
the Yiian shi (xcv., mi sz') is devoted to the pensions and 
revenues from appanages which the princes, princesses, 
sons-in-law of the emperor, and meritorious officers annu- 
ally drew from the public treasury ; and there we find the 


names of princes of all branches of Chinghiz Khan's house. 
In chap, cviii., under the head of chu wang^^ we find again 
the names of the Mongol princes under different reigns, 
and their appanages also enumerated. Sometimes they are 
entitled wang (prince), sometimes ta wang (great prince). 
When they had an appanage in China, the name of it is 
prefixed to the title wang. Comp. note 791. 

To elucidate the question of the dependency of the 
Mongol khans of the Golden Horde of Persia and the 
Middle empire, I may quote some statements of Moham- 
medan and Chinese authors, giving an insight into the 
relations between these rulers and the Great Khan in 
China in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 

Vassaf records two embasssies from the khans of Persia 
to the Emperor of China. We read in d'Ohsson, iv. 320 : 
In 1298 Ghazan Khan sent two ambassadors, the Melik 
Mo'azzam Fakhr-eddin Ahmed and Bocai Ilchi, to the court 
of the great Khan Timur, his suzerain. They carried with 
them magnificent presents, big pearls, and other rare things 
of great value. They brought also some hunting-leopards 
(comp. M. Polo, i. 384). . . . Ghazan provided the ambas- 
sadors with a large sum of money to buy for him certain 
productions of China. . . . They arrived at Taidu (the 
present Peking), and were kindly received by the Great 
Khan, who gave orders also to pay to the khan of Persia 
in silk stuffs his share in the imperial manufacture, which 
had not been paid since Hulagu had left Mongolia (1253). 
Ghazan's embassy remained four years in Taidu. 

The Yiian shi also speaks of an embassy sent by Ghazan 
to the Emperor of China, but records it a few years later 
than Vassaf. Another embassy may be meant. We read 
there, Annals, s.a. 1 304 : "In the seventh month an embassy 
from the chu wang (prince) Ha-dsan in the>S'^ yil (Western 
Asia) arrived at the court with tribute." Ghazan Khan 

'•^ CJiU toang means *• princes of the imperial family." Even the khans 
reigning over Persia, Turkestan, and Kipchak are always entitled chu 
wang in the YUan sbi. 


reigned 1 295-1 304. This is probably the embassy to which 
Montecorvino alludes in his letter of 1306 (see Yule's 
" Cathay," 204). Montecorvino states in this letter that he 
had previously sent a letter to the father vicar and the 
friars of Gazaria by a certain friend who was attached to 
the court of the lord Kathan Cham (Ghazan Khan), and who 
had come to his majesty the Cham. The friend had taken 
the letter when returning from Cambalec (Peking) to Persia. 

The second embassy sent by a khan of Persia to the 
Great Khan left Persia in about 13 12, according to Vassaf 
(d'Ohsson, ii. 535). The Great Khan of China, Ayur tali 
hatraj^^ after his accession to the throne, sent two ambas- 
sadors, Ayadji Chinksank and Devlet Shah, to Persia. 
They arrived at Bagdad, where the Sultan Oeldjaitu spent 
the winter, in February 13 12, when they delivered the 
presents of the Great Khan with letters written in the 
kindliest terms. Subsequently Oeldjaitu (he reigned in 
Persia 1304-17), on his part, sent an embassy to the 
Great Khan. The embassy was charged with collecting 
the arrears of income which were owing to the Ilkhan 
from the possessions he held in the East as one of the 
descendants of Chinghiz. 

The annals of the Yuan shi record, s. a. 1 332, an embassy 
sent by Bu-sai-yin, prince of the Si yil (Western Asia) to 
the Emperor Wen tsung (Tob timur). The name of the 
ambassador was Ho-dji KHe-mad-ding (Khodja Kamared- 
din?). He brought as tribute seven precious stones and 
other articles. Bu-sai-yin is Abu Said, Ilkhan of Persia, 
1317-36, the same whose name appears on the ancient 

In the biography of Bjit cUi , the eldest son of Chinghiz 
(Yuan shi, chap, cxvii.), it is stated that his dominions were 
situated very far to the north-west, more than 10,000 li 
distant from the capital (of China). One of his successors, 
Yue-dsi-hie in 1336, sent an Embassy to the Emperor, 

''^ The Yiian shi writes this name Ai-yil-li ba-li la-da. He was also 
called Buyantu Khan, 1312-20. 


soliciting the payment of the money due for his appanage 
in China, namely, PHng yang (in Shan si), Tsin chou (in 
Chili), and Yung cJwu (in Hu nan), this money being re- 
quired for the establishment of post-stations to facilitate 
the movement of the troops. The ambassador also re- 
minded the Emperor that the post-stations in Yiie-dsi-bie*s 
dominions were not kept in repair by the central govern- 
ment in China, but that he himself had to meet the 
expense. By Yue-dsi-bie evidently Uzbeg, khan of Kip- 
chak, 1312-43, is meant. Comp. note 789. 

The annals of the Yiian shi record, s. a, 13 12, that the 
prince Ye-sien-hu-hua sent an embassy to the Chinese 
court. This is doubtless the Issen huka of the Moham- 
medan authors. He ascended the throne of Chagatai in 
1309. Ibidem, s. a. 13 15, it is reported that the people 
in the dominions of the prince Tu-li-tie-mu-rh being 
afflicted with dearth, the Emperor gave orders to assist 
them with money. T'u-lie-t*ie-mu-rh here is the same as 
Du-lai-V ie-mu-rh on the ancient map, and Dure timur of 
the Mohammedan authors, khan of the Chagatai empire 
about 1330. See d'Ohsson, iv. geneal. tabl. 2. Dure 
timur's successor was, according to d'Ohsson, Tarma shirin. 
In the Yiian shi. Annals, s. a. 1332, an embassy of the princes 
Ta-rh shi-li and Ha-rh-man to the Chinese court is re- 
corded (by the first name Tarma shirin seems to be in- 
tended). They sent as tribute fine Western horses, wine 
made of grapes, and gold-coloured ya-huP^ On the same 
page the death of the Prince Ye-sien Cie-mu-rh is noticed. 
Here probably Issen timur of the Mohammedan authors is 
meant, a grandson of Dua. See d'Ohsson's geneal. tabl. 

In the genealogical tables of the Mongol imperial family, 
as given in chaps, cvii., cviii., and xcv. of the Yiian shi, we 
find the pedigrees of the branches of Djuchi and Chagatai 
and of Ilulagu's dynasty in Persia. The greater part of 
the names found in these lists can easily be identified 
with the names of the genealogical tables drawn up by 

^* The precious stone yakut. See note 503. 


d'Ohsson from the records of the Persian historians. I 
shall give the pedigrees of the above-mentioned branches 
according to the Yuan shi. There is some confusion in 
the Chinese list regarding the degree of kindred. In 
Djuchi's biography, chap, cxvii., some of his grandsons and 
great-grandsons are erroneously represented as his sons. 

I may observe that Piano Carpini, in his narrative, gives 
also a list of the Mongol princes of the house of Chinghiz., 
See notes 742 to 747. Por the same names as given by 
the Mohammedan authors, comp. d'Ohsson, vi. geneal. 
tabl. I, 2, 3. 


Djuchi of the Mohammedan authors, Chinghiz' eldest son. PI. Carpini, 
655, 664, calls him Tossuc (evidently a clerical error). 

Ba-du, great prince {ta ivang). 

Djuchi's son, the conqueror of Russia. See note 741, Batu. 

Sa-li-ta, great prince (ta wang). 

Son of Batu, 1256. See note 459, Sartakh. See also the notice of 
this prince in Patkanoff's *' History of the Mongols from Armenian 
Sources," p. 73. 

Mang-Tco fie-mu-rh, prince (wang). 

Mangu timur, 1265-80, grandson of Batu (d'Ohsson). 

Tu-fu meng-Uo, prince {wang). 

Tuda Mangu, 1280-87, grandson of Batu (d'Ohsson). 

TU't*Uy prince of Ning su. 

Tuctuca, 1291-1312, son of Mangu timur (d'Ohsson). Ning su wang, 
as he is entitled in the Chinese table, was probably an honorific title 
bestowed upon this prince by the Emperor of China ; for there was no 
place called Ning su in China. 

K^uan-sa, entitled likev^p-ise Ning su wang. 

This name is not found in d'Ohsson's table of the khans of Kipchak. 
Perhaps the Conchi of **M. Polo," ii. 478, is intended, the head of the 
White Horde, called also Kuhinji. See Ho worth's "Mongols," ii. 217. 

JBo'hu, great prince (ta wang). 
Yile-dsi-hie, ta wang. 

Uzbeg, grandson of Mangu timur, 1312-42. See note 789. 


Djanibeg, 1342-56, son of Uzbeg (d'Ohsson). 


Thus in tliis Chinese list almost all the reigning khans 
of the Golden Horde (Kipchak) are enumerated, down to 
the middle of the fourteenth century. 

Batu had many brothers. The Mohammedan authors 
mention Orday Tangut, Shihan, Shinkur, Barkai, Tohd 
timur. Orda is called Wa-lu-do in the Ylian shi. Shiban's 
name is there written Si-ban (see note 746). The Moham- 
medan authors report (d'Ohsson, ii. 251) that when Mangu 
was elected Great Khan, Batu sent his brothers Barkai 
and Toha timur to attend this solemnity. We read in 
the annals of the Yuan shi, s. a. 125 1, regarding the same 
matter : " At the great meeting on the river Wa-nan 
(Onon), in the sixth month, the princes of the western 
side were represented by Bie-rh-Uo and Tu-ha t' ie-mu-rh." 


Chagatai of the Mohammedan authors, second son of Chinghiz. 
PL Carpini (665) calls him ChyaadaL 

Ye-su meng-Jco, prince (wang). 

Yism mangu, 1247-52, son of Chagatai (d'Ohsson). 

Ha-la hil-lie, great prince (ta wang). 

Kara Hulagu, 1242-47, grandson of Chagatai (d'Ohsson). 

A-lu-hu, ta wang. 

Algut 1260-66, grandson of Chagatai. 

Ba-la, ta wang. 

Borak, 1268, great-grandson of Chagatai (d'Ohsson). 

Mai-dju-han, with the title of Yen wang, prince of Yen, 
A.D. 1 3 10. 

Yen, in the south of Shan tung. ' 

A-dji-ghi, with the title of Wei yuan wang. 

Wei yiian, in the province of Sz' ch'uan. 

Hw^u t*ie-mu-rh. 

Ch i-yin-f^ie-mu-rh. 

Tu-la, with the title of Yile wang, A.D. 1 306. 

According to his biography, Yiian shi, 117, he was a descendant of 
Chagatai in the fourth degree. 

Tie-mu-rh lu-hua, wang. 


It seems that only the first four names of this Chinese 
genealogical table refer to the reigning branch of the 
Chagatai lineage. As to the rest of the names, I find no 
corroboration in d'Ohsson's list. But, as has been noticed 
above, Bua, the son of Borak, Issen buJca, Dure timur, and 
Tarma sJiirin, all sons of Dua and reigning khans of the 
Middle empire in the first half of the fourteenth century, 
according to the Mohammedan authors, are mentioned in 
other chapters of the Yuan shi. 

Hvlagu, Ilkhan of Persia, 1258-65. See note 281. 

^A-ha-Jia, prince (wang). 

Abaca, 1265-82, sou of Hulagu. 

A-lu-hun, great prince (ta wang). 

Argun, 1284-91, son of Abaka (d'Ohsson). In the biography of 
Ai-sie, Yiian shi, chap, cxxxiv,, it is stated that Ai-sie was sent with a 
message to A-lu-hun, prince in the north-west. In the annals of the 
Yiian shi, s. a. 1284, this name reads A-rh-hun. 

Ha-dsaUy prince of Tsing yiian (in Ho nan). 

Ghazan Khan, 1295-1304, the son of Argun (d'Ohsson). 

The rest of the names in this Chinese genealogical 
table cannot be identified with the names of the Persian 
khans in d'Ohsson's list. Probably the Yuan shi gives 
the names of a lateral branch of Hulagu's descendants. 
Thus the name of Ahu Said, Ilkhan of Persia, 1317-35, 
repeatedly mentioned in other chapters of the Yiian shi 
(see above), does not appear in the genealogical table of 
Hulagu's lineage. 




I may observe that the map appended to this chapter 
is a reproduction of the original Chinese map. I have 
only omitted the fine rectangular lines, not the thicker 
lines indicating the political division. The centres of the 
places (squares), where in the original the Chinese char- 
acters representing the names appear, have been marked 
on my map by points. The names are written in European 
spelling. Besides this, my map is presented, for the con- 
venience of European readers, upside down, i.e., North is 
at the top. 

I. — Countries and Places East and South of the 
Middle Empire (Chagatai). 

As the Si pei ti enumerates only countries and cities 
belonging to the three empires of the descendants of 
Chagatai, Djuchi, and Hulagu, the following six names of 
the ancient map are omitted from the list given in that 


Sha chou means "sand city" or "sand district" in 
Chinese. This name dates from a.d. 622, when it was 
founded by the first emperor of the T'ang dynasty. But 
there was at the same place, or near it, an important out- 
post of China even in the second century B.C. The Han 
Emperor \Vu ti, B.C. 1 11, established there, west of the gate 
Kia yu kuan in the Great Wall, and at the eastern border 
of the sandy desert known to the Chinese from remote 
time as Liic sha (moving sand), a fortified town and a 
district called Tun huang. This was the starting-point of 



the early expeditions of the Chinese towards the West. 
The Chinese Buddhist monk Hilan tsang, as is recorded 
by his biographer, on his way from China to Central Asia 
in A.D. 629, after passing Kuci chou (see note 998), arrived 
at Tim huang. But in the itinerary of his homeward 
journey, sixteen years later, the name of Sha cJiou appears 
instead of Tun huang. In the eighth century, Sha chou 
was captured by the Tibetans ; subsequently the Uigurs of 
Kan chou seized the district of Sha chou. In the eleventh 
century it belonged to the Hia or Tangut empire, and 
after the destruction of this kingdom by the Mongols in 
1227, and the foundation of the Mongol-Chinese empire, 
Sha chou became a " hi," or department in the province of 
Kan su. 

M. Polo, when proceeding from the city of Lop to 
China, passed through Sha chou. He states (i. 206) : 
" After you have travelled thirty days through the desert " 
(the " moving sands " of the Chinese), " you come to a city 
called Sachiu, lying between north-east and east ; it be- 
longs to the Great Kaan." 

In ancient times the great highway from China to 
Central Asia passed through Sha chou, and not only the 
Lopnor route taken by M. Polo, but also the northern 
route leading through Hami touches Sha chou, as may 
be proved from ancient, and even more recent, Chinese 

At the time of the Ming dynasty, Sha chou was an 
important military station. In the last century the name 
of Sha chou was changed again into its original name Tun 
huang, which now-a-days is a district city in the province 
of Kan su. General Przewalsky was the first European 
traveller who, since the time of the Jesuit missionaries, 
visited the oasis of Sha chou in 1879. He informs us 
(" Tibet," 93) that Sha chou is also called Tun huang. The 
great Chinese map of the empire, however, places ancient 
Sha chou about 100 li south-west of Tun huang. But this 
seems to be an error (see note 998). 




This is without doubt the Camul of M. Polo. That 
traveller states (i. 212) that this province, with the chief 
city of the same name, lies between two deserts — the great 
desert of Lop, and on the other side a smaller desert. It 
belongs to the great Caan. Kashid-eddin, who wrote about 
the close of the thirteenth century, when the Middle empire 
was for the greater part in the possession of Kaida, then 
engaged in a struggle with Kubilai, records (d'Ohsson, ii. 
640) that Karakhodjo (see farther on), a city of the Uigurs, 
lies between the two states and maintains neutrality. Our 
ancient map locates Ko-mu-li east of the Middle empire, 
but close to the frontier. Karakhodjo is placed there, 
west of Ko-mu-li, inside the Middle empire. 

M. Polo is the first Western author who mentions 
Kamul, but he did not himself visit the place. Marig- 
nolli was in Kamul in 1342, and seems to have spent 
some considerable time there. This city appears to have 
been the see of a Nestorian bishop in the thirteenth cen- 
tury (Yule's " Cathay," 390 ; " M. Polo," i. 213). It reads 
Camull on the Catalan map. 

Kamul is the Turkish name of the place ; the Mongols 
call it Khamil (Potanin, Mongolia) ; the Chinese, Ha-mi, 
This latter name, however, appears for the first time in 
the Chinese annals not earlier than the Mongol period. 
In ancient times this fertile oasis was known to the 
Chinese by other names. It is first mentioned in Chinese 
liistory in the first century of our era under the name of 
I-um-lu or I-wu. In the history of the posterior Han 
dynasty, chap, cxviii., article Si yiX (Western countries), it 
is stated that I-wu-lu is an important place, situated in a 
fertile country 1000 li north of the fortress of Yil men 
kican, and represents the key to the Si yii. This oasis 
belonged originally to the Hiung-nu^ the ancient inhabi- 
tants of Mongolia. It was taken by the Chinese a.d. 73, 
who then established military colonies there. Some cen- 


turies later it was again occupied by the Turkish tribes of 
Mongolia. At the time of the T'ang dynasty, in the seventh 
and eighth centuries, I-wu-lu was subject to China, and its 
name was then changed into I chou. Thus the place is 
called in the narrative of Wang Yen te, who, in a.d. 981, 
was sent by a Chinese emperor of the Sung dynasty to 
the Uigurs of Kao chang, who at that time ruled also over 

In the Yiian shi we first meet with the present Chinese 
name of the place, Ha-mi. This name is found in chap, 
cxxii., biography of the Uigur Prince Ba-rh-dju. But 
more generally the Yuan shi writes the name Ho-mi-li or 
Ko-mi-li. See Annals, s. a. 1286. The Emperor bestowed 
money and cattle upon the impoverished people of Ko- 
mi-li and Ha-la-ho-djo (Karakhodjo). Suh anno 1289, the 
people of Ko-mi-li are stated to have been again afflicted 
with dearth. The Emperor then ordered corn to be sent 
from the province of Kan su to Ko-mi-li. 


The Chinese name is probably intended for TasKbalih, 
meaning " stone city " in Turkish. The place is marked 
on the ancient map east of Kamul. I have not been able 
to trace this name in any Western or Eastern author as 
applied to a city near Kamul. I may, however, observe 
that the above-quoted traveller, Wang Yen te, A.D. 981, 
proceeding from China to Kao chang, before arriving at 
/ chou (Kamul) passed through Siao Shi chon or " Little 
Stone City." 

r?7-^(9-r^ = TIBET. 

The names we use in Europe to designate the mountain- 
ous country bordering upon China Proper on the west, Tihet^ 
Tubet, Tehet, are all apparently derived from the Arabic ; 
for the name of Tibet among Western authors first occurs 
in the Eastern Travels of the Arab merchant Soleyman, 
who visited, according to Eeinaud, China in the middle of 



the ninth century. In the same century the Arab geo- 
grapher Ibn Khurdadbih states that China is bounded by 
the sea, by Tibet, and by the country of the Turks. Masudi 
(beginning of the tenth century) frequently mentions 

Now-a-days this latter name is unknown to the natives 
of Tibet, who call their country Bot, which is also the Indian 
name for Tibet. But Markham, in his " Missions to Tibet," 
p. 136 note, is wrong in stating that Tibet is a Persian 
word. As will be shown in the sequel, this name was 
known at an early date to the eastern and northern neigh- 
bours of the Tibetans, and the Arab travellers heard it 
evidently first in China. It would seem that in ancient 
times the Tibetans themselves applied this name to their 

The most detailed accounts of the early history of Tibet 
are to be found in the histories of the Chinese dynasties. 
Father Hyacinth in his history of Tibet and Kukonor, in 
Eussian, 2 vols, and a map, 1833, ^^s translated from the 
Chinese annals all the historical records regarding the 
Tibetans and Tanguts ; but his translation concludes with 
the beginning of the twelfth century. In 1 8*80 my friend 
S. W. Bushell, M.D., translated, in the Journal B. A. 
Soc, the chapters referring to Tibet in the history of the 
T*ang dynasty, A.D. 618-907. 

In the early historical records of the Chinese, the foreign 
tribes living west of China Proper are comprised in the gene- 
ral name K'iang or Si KHang (Western K'iang). These 
names occur in the Chinese classics. Since the seventh cen- 
tury Tibet has been termed Tu~fan in the Chinese annals. 
This name in the history of the T*ang is applied to a 
powerful kingdom bordering upon China on the west, 
which during the T'ang period caused much trouble to the 
empire. It is said there that the T*u-fan people originated 
from tlie K^iang. The character fan in the above name, 
as first sliown by R6musat, ought properly to be read poy 
being written with a phonetic, which has the two sounds 


fan and po. This is confirmed by an inscription in Tibetan 
and Chinese from a stone monument at Lhassa of the year 
822, of which Bu shell gives a facsimile, and in which Bod 
is rendered in Chinese by the same character Fan. Tu-fan 
is therefore equivalent to T'^ubod. 

In the history of the Sung dynasty, which ruled over 
the greater part of China, 960-1280, the name T'u-fan 
is still used, but in the history of the Liao in Northern 
China, 916-1125, it is recorded that in 1047 an envoy 
from the kingdom of THe-hu-te arrived at the court of the 
liao to solicit help against the Hia (Tangut empire). Sub 
anno 1060 we read that the Liao emperor gave a princess 
to be married to the son of the sovereign of T^u-bo-te. 
The same event is reported in the Sung history, where 
that kingdom is called T^u-fan. 

To the Mongols Tibet was known in the Middle Ages 
under the name of Tubot. In the Mongol text of the 
Yuan ch'ao pi shi (Pallad. transl., 148), in one case, the 
valour and fierceness of the Mongols are compared with 
those qualities in the dogs of Tubot.^^^ The Chinese trans- 
lator (fourteenth century) renders " dogs of Tubot " by 
"dogs of Si fan." About this name see farther on. 

In the Yuan shi Tibet is mentioned under different 
names. Sometimes the Chinese history of the Mongols 
uses the ancient name Tu-fan. In the Annals, s.a. 125 1, 
we read : " Mangu Khan entrusted Ho-li-dan with the 
command of the troops against Tu-fan." Sub anno 12^4. 
it is stated that Kubilai (who at that time was still the 
heir-apparent), after subduing the tribes of Yiin nan, 
entered Tu-fan, when So-ho-to, the ruler of the country, 
surrendered. Again, s. a. 1275: "The prince A-lu-chi 
(seventh son of Kubilai) led an expedition to Tu-fan." In 
chap, ccii., biography of Ba-sz-ba, the Lama priest who in- 
vented Kubilai's official alphabet, it is stated that this 
Lama was a native of Sa-sz-kia in Tu-fan. 

In the Ming period the name Wu-sz-tsang was applied 

'^^ Comp. " M. Polo," i. 41, on the mastiff dogs of Tebet. 


to Tibet. This name appears already in the Yuan shi, 
chap, cxxiii., biography of Djao-a Uo-pan, and once more 
in chap. Ixxxvii., in connection with the Mongol troops 
cantoned there. Wu-sz'-tsang is a corruption of the joined 
names of the two provinces, U and Tsang, which form 
Central or Great Tibet (Markham, xxvi.). 

The north-eastern part of Tibet was sometimes desig- 
nated bythe Chinese name Si fan, and Hyacinth {I. c. ix.) 
is of opinion that in ancient times this name was even 
applied to the whole of Tibet. Si fan means " Western 
barbarians." The biographer of Htian ts'ang reports that 
when this traveller, in 629, visited Liang chou (in the pro- 
vince of Kan su), this city was the entrepot for merchants 
from Si fan and the countries east of the Ts^ung ling 

In the history of the Hia or Tangut empire (in the Sung 
shi) we read, s. a, 1003, that the founder of this empire 
invaded Si fan and then proceeded to Si Hang (Liang 

The Yuan shi reports, s. a, 1268 : "The (Mongol) Em- 
peror ordered Meng-gu-dai to invade Si fan with 6000 
men." The name Si fan appears also in chap, ccii., bio- 
graphy of Banr-ba. 

Regarding the application of the name Si fan in the 
Ming period and in our days, I beg to refer to the next 

Rashid-eddin, in his account of China and other coun- 
tries of Eastern Asia, notices Tulhet, on the north-west 
of China (d'Ohsson, ii. 640); and in his History of the 
Mongols he mentions (/. c. i. 82) a country, Buri-tibet, 
to which Singun, the son of Ong Khan, is stated to have 
fled after his father had been defeated by Chinghiz in 
1202. The existence of a country of this name is corro- 
borated, not only by Piano Carpini (658), who records the 
conquest of Btirithahet by the Mongols, but the name 
occurs also in the Ts*in cheng lu, where we read (Pallad. 
transl. 176) that Ong Khan's son fled to the people of 

INDIA. 25 

Bo-li fu-fan. As we have seen, fu-fan is equivalent to 

Eubruck, after speaking of the Tanguts, devotes also a 
few words to the Tibetans: — P. 289 — "Post istos sunt 
Tebet, homines solentes comedere sues defunctos, ut causa 
pietatis non facerent aliud sepulcrum eis nisi viscera 
sua." . . . Ibidem, p. 329: "Thebet scribunt sicut nos, et 
habent figuras valde similes nostris." 

"M. Polo," ii. 33~44, has two long chapters on the pro- 
vince of Tebet ; and in i. 292 he speaks of the sorcerers 
of Tebet and Kesimur at the court of the Great Caan. 

Colonel Yule observes {I. c. ii, 38) that Tibet was always 
reckoned as a part of the Mongol-Chinese empire ; but 
it is not very clear how it came under subjection to the 
Mongols, no conquest of their armies being related by 
either the Mohammedan or the Chinese historians ; indeed, 
it seems that, with the exception of the above-quoted pas- 
sages from the Chinese Annals, nothing more is said of the 
warlike enterprises of the Mongols against Tibet. 

I may finally notice that now-a-days Tangid is the 
common name by which the Mongols designate the whole 
of Tibet, although, according to Przewalsky's investiga- 
tions, the Tangutans, the occupants of the country on the 
north-east of Tibet, in the Kukonor basin, constitute a 
distinct Tibetan-speaking race. As we have seen, these 
Tangutans in the Middle Ages formed an independent 
kingdom at the north-western frontier of China. 

T'ien-du is the name by which India was known to the 
Chinese since the first century of our era, when Buddhism 
was introduced from India into China. See history of 
the Posterior Han, chap, cxviii. But a more ancient 
Chinese name for India is Shin-du. This name, evidently 

796 rpjje second character, properly pronounced dm, is read du in the 
above Chinese name, designating India. See Williams' "Chinese Dic- 
tionary," p. 95. 


rendering the Sanskrit Sindhu, meaning " river " (in this 
case the river Sindh ; see note 704), which was taken 
for India, first appears in the Chinese annals about B.C. 
120, after the expedition of the general Chang K'ien to 
Western Asia, who reported on the country of Shin-du 
from hearsay. 

The Chinese authors of the Mongol period generally 
call India Hin-du-sz' (see Yiian shi. Annals, s. a. 1253) or 
In-du (see Part I.). These names they evidently borrowed 
from the Persians, who call India Hindustan. 


Eegarding this country I have only a few words to say. 
Kashmir became known to the Chinese during the T'ang 
period in the seventh and eighth centuries. In the T'ang 
History, s. a. 713, an embassy from K^o-shi-mi to the 
Emperor of China is recorded. Under the name of Kia- 
shi-mi-lo this kingdom appears in the narrative of Hiian 
ts*ang about a century earlier. Kashmir is frequently men- 
tioned by Eastern and Western travellers, and historians 
of the Mongol period. Ch'ang Te (1258) speaks of the 
Buddhist kingdom K'i-shi-mi, north-west of In-du (India). 
KHe-shi-mi-rh in the Yuan shi (see note 368) ; Keshimir 
in the Yuan ch*ao pi shi. Compare also Kasmir in Piano 
Carpini, 708; Keshimur, "M. Polo," i. 175. 

II. — Countries and Places in the Empire of Dulai 
T*iE-MU-RH (Middle Empire). 


The country of the Wei-wu-rh or Uigurs is marked on 
the ancient map on the eastern border of the Middle 
Empire. The Si pei ti list has under the head of 
" Country of the Wei-wu-rh " a short note stating that in 
the year 1283 post-stations were established there in four 
places (cities), and also a treasury was founded for the 


exchange of paper money. A full account of the Uigurs 
has been given in Part II., to which I beg to refer. 


We know from the statements of the Persian authors, 
as well as from Chinese mediaeval accounts, that there was 
a city called Bishhalih the capital of the Uigurs. Some- 
times the name was applied to the whole country of the 
Uigurs north and south of the eastern spur of the T^ien 
Shan, which comprised several cities besides Bishbalik, 
Karakhodjo (Huo chou), Lukchak, and others, and sur- 
rendered to Chinghiz. Bishbalik in Turkish means " Pen- 
tapolis," or five cities. 

In the list of places and countries in the Si pei ti we 
find the following note under the head of Bie-shi-ba-li : — 

In the year 1278 Ba-sa-cK a-li received a tiger tab- 
let, investing him with authoritj^ to direct the military 
post-stations in Bie-shi-ha-li, the (other) cities of the 
country of the Wei-wu-rh (Uigurs) and in Tsz-li (a place 
unknown to me). In 1280 the wan-hu (commander of 
ten thousand) K'i-kung-chi (see his biography, Yuan shi, 
chap, clxv.) was sent (by the Emperor Kubilai) to guard the 
frontier at Bie-shi-ba-li. In 1281 the prince A-dji-ghi'^^^ 
requested that thirty new post-stations might be estab- 
lished between the mountain T'ai ho ling"'^^ and Bie-shi- 
ba-li. In 1283 the Emperor appointed a governor for Bie- 
shi-ba-li, Huo chou, and the other places (of Uiguria). In 
1284 the Prince A-dji-ghi sent an envoy to the Emperor 
with a memorial stating that among the twenty-four cities 
formerly under the command of Dji-hi-fie-mu-rh^^ there 

^^ A-dji-ghi was, according to the Yiian shi, chaps, cvii., cviii., geneal. 
tabl., a grandson of Chagatai, a son of Ha-la-hii-lie {Kara Hvlagu of 
Kashid). Adjighi is not mentioned by Rashid. 

^^8 In the biography of Subutai the name T'ai huo ling (Mountain of 
Great Peace) is applied to the Caucasus (see i. 297). I am not aware 
what mountain here may be intended. 

"^^^ According to the Yiian shi, chap, cvii., geneal. tabl., this was a 
grandson of Ogotai, a son of K'uo-duan {Cotan of Kashid). 


were two, namely, Clia and Dai, then governed by da-lu- 
hua-chi (Mongol governors, see note 695), and annexed, 
not to (the province of) Bie-shi-ba-li, but to K\w duan 
(Khotan). He solicited that they might be restored to 
P)ie-shi-ba-li, to which the Emperor acceded. In 1287 a 
military colony was established at Bie-shi-ba-li, formed of 
a thousand of the troops which had recently surrendered, 
to which also the commandership-in-chief for the whole 
country (of the Uigurs) was transferred. 

Bie-shi-ba-li is repeatedly mentioned in the Yiian shi. 
This place it seems played an important role in the war 
between Kubilai Khan and the revolted Prince Kaidu. 
See Annals, s. a. 1278, 1284. Sometimes we read in the 
Yuan shi, " Bie-shi-ba-li and the other places " {i.e., the 
other cities in the Uigur country, Karahhodjo, Lu-gu-cli en, 
T'a-gU'Sin, &c.). The term Wu-cKeng (five cities), which 
is a literal translation of Bishbalik, occurs also occasionally 
in the Ylian shi to designate this place or country. Com- 
pare the note on A-li-ma-li in the Si pei ti, where it 
is stated that 6000 li north-west of Shang tu (Kubilai's 
summer residence in South-Eastern Mongolia) is Wei-wu-rh 
wu cKeng (the five cities of the Uigurs), which at the time 
of the T'ang was called Pei fing (northern court), and was 
the seat of a governor-general (compare about Pei t*ing, 
note 157). The term Wu cKeng ov Pentapolis is found 
also in the biography of T'ie-Jco-shu, Yuan shi, chap. 

According to Klaproth's investigations (''Mem. Eel. 
k TAsie," ii. 355 seq.), BisKbalik of the mediaeval author 
and Pei Ving of the T'ang period are identical with the 
present Urumisi, a city situated on the northern slope of 
the Eastern T*ien shan.^^^ 

"**' It may be the proper place to say a few words on the little-known 
city of Urumisi. This is a Dsungar name, which appears first in the 
Chinese annals in 17 17. Compare the San chou tsi lio, a topographical 
and historical account of the three districts of Ilami, Turfan, and Urumisi. 
The Chinetie write the nanie Wu-lu-mu-ts'i. After the Emperor K'ien lung 
liad con<juered Duungaria, in the middle of the last century, Urumtsi 


Wang Ten te, despatched in a.d. 981 by the Sung 
emperor T'ai tsung to Kao cKang or Karakhodjo (see the 
article on the Uigurs), gives in his narrative an itinerary 
which permits us to determine approximately the position 
of ancient Pei t'ing. The Chinese envoy, after crossing 
the desert, passed through / chou (Hami) and arrived at 
Kao cliang (Karakhodjo). The king of Kao chang, owing 
to the great heat, had retired to Pei f^ing, and Wang Yen 
te was invited to meet him in his summer residence. 
The envoy traversed the district of Kiao ho, and in six 
days arrived at the entrance of the defile in the Kin ling 
(Gold mountain). Two days later he reached Han hia 
chai. From this station he went on for five days more, 
and then began to ascend the Kin ling mountain. When 
crossing it he had to endure heavy rain and snowstorm. 
On the summit of the pass was the dragon-hall, in which 
a stone was found with the inscription, "Little snow- 
mountain." The mountain all over was covered with 
masses of snow. The travellers were obliged to put on 
winter clothes. On the next day the envoy reached 
Pei t'ing, which was situated in a long valley, &c.^*^^ 

became better known to the Chinese. We learn from the Si yil wen Hen lu 
(1773) that in 1765 the Chinese built a new city at a distance of eight li 
from Urumtsi, near Hung shan tsui (Promontory of the Red Mountain). 
The city was built on eight hills. Three thousand Manchus were settled 
there. The place was commanded by a Chinese general. In 1 775 it 
became a district city and then was named Ti hua chou. Urumtsi is 
situated in a fertile, well-watered valley. On the south-east of it rises the 
Bogda-ola mountain (see note 161), with its three snow-covered summits, 
known also by the name Ling shan (Divine Mountain). In the mountains 
west of Urumtsi coal is found, &c. 

Urumtsi has been astronomically determined in 1756 by the Jesuit 
Father d'Arocha (Peterm. Geogr. Mitth., 1880, p. 467). According to him, 
its geographical position is 43° 27' N. lat., 27° 57' W. long. Peking. 
This place has frequently been visited in latter times by Russian mer- 
chants, but I have not been able to find anywhere a European account of 
it, besides a few words by Dr. A. Regel, devoted to Urumsti (Peterm. 
Geogr. Mitth., 1880, 209). Regel speaks of its picturesque situation in a 
broad valley between two mountains. 

^^ In November 1879 Dr. A. Regel proceeded from Karakhodjo to 
Urumtsi (see note 800). The distance between these places is, according 


In the days of Chinghiz and bis successors the great 
highway from Mongolia to Western Asia passed through 
Bishbalik. Thus this place is mentioned by Ch'ang cb'un 
in 1 22 1 as a city on the northern slope of the T'ien shan. 
He was told that ancient Pei t*ing occupied the same 
site. Two years earlier Ye-lti Ch'uts*ai, who accompanied 
Chinghiz on bis expedition to Western Asia, had passed 
through Bishbalik. He states that JBuo choit (Karakhodjo) 
lies 500 li south of this place. King Haithon's route 
likewise led through Beshhaligh. PL Carpini, Eubruck, M. 
Polo do not mention Bishbalik, although the first two of 
these mediseval travellers probably saw the capital of the 
Uigurs. The name of Bishbalik appears in Ibn Batuta's 
narrative (Yule's "Cathay," 506). He states that when he 
arrived at Khanbalik (1346) the khan was absent, for he 
had gone forth to fight Firuz, the son of his uncle, who 
had raised a revolt against him in the territory of Kara- 
koram and Bishhaligh in Cathay. 

The name of Bie-shi-ba4i is repeatedly mentioned in 
the biographies of the Ylian shi. Sometimes it appears 
under its ancient name Pei t^ing. In chap, cxxiv. we 
read, in the biography of Meng-su-sz\ that he was a Wei- 
wu-rh, and that his ancestors lived in Bie-shi-ba-li ; chap. 
cxxxvii. T'o-lie-hai-ya, a Wei-wu-rh from Bie-shi-ha-li. 


Karakhodjo is frequently mentioned by Eashid as a 
place in the country of the Uigurs. Bardjuk, the Uigur 
prince, when he determined to submit to Chinghiz, gave 
orders to kill the Karakhitai governors in Karakhodjo 

to his map, about 133 English miles. Regel had to pass, south of the 
Bogdo ola, the defile of Dabanshan, at an elevation of more than 4000 feet. 
Wang Yen te's journey from Kao chang (Karakhodjo) to Pei t'ing took 
fifteen days. His A'my ling pass may well be the Dabanshan. It is, 
however, not quite clear whether Pei t'ing, the summer residence of the 
king, which the Chinese identify with Urumtsi, was really situated in that 
valley. Perhaps its site is to be sought in one of the more elevated valleys 
of the Bogdo ola. See note 161. 



(d'Ohsson, i. 109). At the end of his account of Kathay 
Eashid states (d'Ohsson, ii. 640) that one of the bodies of 
troops protecting the frontier of the Great Khan is posted 
in the vicinity of Karakliodjo, a city of the Uigurs, which 
lies between the dominions of the Great Khan and those 
of Kaidu and Dua (the rebellious princes), and maintains 

The Chinese name of Karakhodjo in the Mongol period 
was Huo chou (Fire city). Sometimes the first sound is 
also represented by another homophonous character; some- 
times the name is also written £[0 chou. In the Si yu ki, 
and also in the Si yu lu, Ho chou is stated to lie 500 li 
south of Bishbalik (beyond the T'ien shan), and is identi- 
fied in the latter narrative with Kao chang of the T*ang 
period (see vol. i. 16, 65). In the Ylian shi the same 
place is noticed several times under its different names. 
In the Annals, 5. a. 1286, it is recorded that Kubilai 
ordered cattle and corn to be given to the people of Ho-la- 
huo-djo and Ho-mi-li (Hami), who suffered from dearth. 
Karakhodjo is further mentioned chap, cxxviii., in the 
biography of A-shu, who was a grandson of the famous 
Subutai. A-shu had been sent in 1286 against a rebellious 
prince, and died in Ha-la-ho-djou. 

The city of Karakhodjo still exists, 40 versts south-east 
of Turfan, according to Eegel, who visited this place in 
1879. He writes the name Karagudsha. 


This name appears on the ancient map east of Ho-la- 
huo-djo. The history of the Ming gives a short note on 
this place, calling it Liu ch'eng (Willow city) or Zu cJien 
(see Part IV.). At the time of the Han it was called Liu 
chung. It is stated in the "History of the Posterior 
Han," chap, cxviii., introduction to the section on Western 
countries, that since the year A.D. 123 the Chinese mili- 
tary governor of the Si yii had his residence in Liu 


chung. In the T'ang period Liu chung belonged to Kao 

It seems that in the repeatedly quoted narrative of 
Wang Yen te (a.d. 932) this place is also noticed ; for the 
envoy is stated to have passed through the country of 
Ziu chung before reaching Kao ch*ang. 

Further details regarding this place, which is called Zto- 
Jco-tsin on recent Chinese maps (about 60 li south-east 
of Turf an), see in Klaproth's article, "Mem. Eel. k I'Asie," 
ii. 342. 

rA-GU-Sm=TOKSV'N (?). 

This place is marked on the ancient map between 
Kamul and Bishbalik. I may observe that a place T'o- 
Jco-sun appears on modern Chinese maps south-west of 
Turfan. It was visited by Kegel in 1879. 


This place on our ancient map stands west of Bishbalik. 
A city CKang-la4a appears in Ch'ang ch'un's itinerary 
(1221) west of Bishbalik. It was then ruled by an Uigur 
prince. The same city is mentioned in the itinerary of 
Ye-lii Hi liang. It is stated there that it was east of the 
river Mana-sz\ The latter name is still applied to a 
river and a city on the great highway from Urumtsi to 
Kuldja. Haithon, on his way from Karakorum to Western 
Asia (1254) passed through Djamhalekh^ west of Beshlalegli. 


West of Djambalik, on the ancient map. I have little 
doubt that this name has survived in the Khutuhhai 
of modern maps, a town on the road from Urumtsi to 
Kuldja, between the former place and Manas. Eegel calls 
it Koiuhy. I may observe that in the itinerary of King 
Haithon (1254) a place Khutaiyai appears between Djam- 
balekh and Yan kibalekh, of which I shall speak presently 




West of the former, on the ancient map ; the Yanhi- 
haleJch of Haithon. A station Yang halgasun is marked 
on modern maps between Khutukbai and Manas, likewise 
on the great road to Kuldja. Balgasun in Mongol has the 
same meaning as balik in Turkish, i.e., " city." 


A-li-ma-li, the Almalik of the Mohammedan authors, is 
frequently mentioned by the annalist of the Mongol era, 
as also by the travellers of the same period, passing from 
Western Asia to Mongolia, and vice versa. With respect to 
this place, therefore, I beg to refer to the first part of my 
" Eesearches," where some particulars about A-li-ma-li, as 
given by Chinese travellers, will be found. As can be 
concluded from those accounts, ancient Almalik lay on the 
great highway from Mongolia to Persia, and was situated 
near the site of the modern Kuldja.^^^ 

It seems the Persian historians first mention Almalik 
s.a. 121 1, in which year Ozar, prince of Almalik, is stated 
to have acknowledged the supremacy of Chinghiz. This 
prince was subsequently slain by Guchluk, gurkhan of 
Karakhitai. By order of Chinghiz, his son Siknah Tekin 
succeeded him on the throne, and Chinghiz gave him in 
marriage a daughter of his son Djuchi. When the con- 
queror directed his host to Western Asia, he was joined 
by Siknak (d'Ohsson, i. in, 212). We know nothing 
more about Almalik in the days of Chinghiz. After- 
wards this place seems to have been the capital of the 
Middle Mongol Empire. The Tarikh Djihankushai states 
(d'Ohsson, ii. 100) that Chagatai, to whom this empire was 

^^ See note 172. Lerch ("Archscol. Journey in Turkestan") is wrong 
in stating that the modern city of Verny (Vernoye), north of lake Issikul, 
represents ancient Almalik. He was misled by the fact that the Russian 
fort Vernoye was built in 1854 at a place and on a river which the Kirghizes 
call A Iviaty. 



assigned by his father, had his headquarters in the country 
of the Uigurs (Bishbalik). In the same work we read 
that he was in the habit of spending the summer in the 
country of Almalik, near the high mountains Gueuk ^^ and 
the mount Kut, whilst he preferred to pass the winter in 
Meruzik Ila. Sometimes the residence of the khan of the 
Middle Empire is also called Ohik iff (d'Ohsson, ii. lOO, 
107, iii. 1 19, 1 22). When Hulagu passed through Almalik 
in 1253, he was well entertained there by the princess 
Organa, the widow of Kara Hulagu, the son of Chagatai 
(/. c. iii. 138). 

In the second half of the thirteenth century, Almalik 
sustained an important role in the struggle between the 
khans of the different branches of Chinghiz' lineage. 
When Kubilai ascended the throne in 1260, his brother 
Arikbuga (see note 281) laid claim to the crown, and 
collected troops in the north. After he had been de- 
feated by Kubilai, he went with the rest of his army 
westward and attacked Algu, grandson of Chagatai, who 
at that time ruled over the Middle Empire. Algu had 
been allied with Arikbuga, but after the defeat of the 
latter had espoused the cause of Kubilai. Arikbuga's 
avant-guard, commanded by Karahuka, met the troops of 
Algu near the city of Pulad and the lake Sict (Sairam 
lake ; see note 476), and was defeated. Algu then returned 
to his residence on the river Hile (Hi), and disbanded his 
troops, when suddenly Assutai, one of Arikbuga's gene- 
rals, at the head of another division, advanced through 
the defile called " Irongate," ^^* crossed the river Hile and 

*^ This mountain is mentioned in the Zafernameh. In book ii. 13, s. a. 
1375, Timur's expedition against the Jetes in Mogholistan, it is stated that 
Kamarcddin,the commander of the Jetes, was encamped at Ghcuk topa (Blue 
Hills), gituated, it seems, not far from the river Ab He (Iii river), in which 
one of Timur's generals was drowned. In book iii. 9, s. a. 1390, we read 
that Timur's generals sent against the Jetes marched to Isiighcvd (lake 
Issikul), arrived at Oheuk topa, and then took the road to the mountain 
Ardjatu and Almaleyh, near the river Ab He. 

*»* The Talki defile, north of Kuldja. See notes 317, 805. 


captured Almalik.^^^ Algu retired towards Khotan and 
Kashgar, and when Arikbuga himself had arrived and had 
established his headquarters on the river Hile, to pass 
the winter there, Algu retreated to Samarkand. In 1264 
Arikbuga made peace with his brother Kubilai. In 1 266, 
after the death of Algu, Kubilai gave the uluss of Chaga- 
tai to Muharek Shah, son of Kara Hulagu. 

The Chinese annals record the war between Kubilai 
and Arikbuga, but not the struggle between Arikbuga and 
Algu. A-li-ma-li is for the first time mentioned in the 
Yuan shi, annals, s. a. 1277, in connection with the war 
asrainst Kaidu. This war, which was continued for about 
twenty-five years, caused much trouble to Kubilai, who 
was obliged to maintain a considerable army at the north- 
western frontier against his nephew. The expeditions 
against Kaidu are recorded in some detail in the Chinese 
annals as well as by the Persian historians. M. Polo also 
devotes a chapter (ii. 457 seq.) to the battles fought be- 
tween the Great Kaan and Caidu. 

According to the great traveller, in the year 1266, King 
Caidu and another prince called Yesudar ^^ made an expe- 
dition to attack the Great Kaan's barons Chibai and 
Chihan^^'^ sons of Chagatai, and defeated them. In 1268 
Caidu attacked the Great Kaan's son Nomogan, and George,, 
the grandson of Prester John, who were at Caracoron. 
The battle was without victory on either side ; but Caidu, 

^"5 The above details are taken from d'Ohsson, ii. 340-356, who trans- 
lates from the Persian authors. Quatremere, in his " Histoire des Mon- 
gols," 146, translates the same, but from another MS. He gives a more 
intelligible version of the above passage. He writes the name of the river 
Hi, and translates : " Assutai, after passing through the Tlniur Icahlakah 
(porte de fer), arrived near the river Hi and AlmaliJc, and attacked un- 
expectedly the hordes of Algu." 

806 The name Ye-su-da-rh occurs repeatedly in the Yiian shi. In chaps, 
cxxix. and cxxxiii. we find the biographies of two persons of this name. 
1 am not, however, prepared to identify M. Polo's Yesudar. 

^^' Perhaps M. Polo means by Chibai the prince Chi-bie-t' ie-mu-rh, who, 
however, according to the Yiian shi, was a son ofO gotai. He is there men- 
tioned as a general in Kubilai'a army, and in connection with the war 
against Hai-du (Kaidu). 


liearing that the Great Kaan was sending a great army to 
reinforce his son, retired to great Turkey and Samarkand. 

There are some discrepancies between the records of 
these events in the Chinese annals and those given by M. 
Polo, especially respecting the dates. The Yuan shi, in the 
article Si pei ti, gives the following note on A-li-ma-li 
and the expeditions against Kaidu : — 

The prince Hai-du had his encampment in A-li-ma-li 
and the other places.^^^ Proceeding from Shang tu (Kubi- 
lai's summer residence) in a north-western direction 6000 
1% one reaches the Five cities of the Wei-wu-rh (Bishbalik 
of the Uigurs). Pour to five thousand li farther westward 
liQ^ A-li-ma-li. In the year 1268 Hai-du revolted, raised 
an army, and went southward (evidently a mistake for 
eastward). Shi tsu (Kubilai) repelled his aggression near 
Fei V'ing (Bishbalik). Hai-du was pursued as far as A-li- 
ma-li, when the emperor gave orders to discontinue the 
pursuit. At the same time he conferred the chief com- 
mand of the troops in the country of A-li-ma-li on the 
prince Fei ping wang.^^^ The latter was assisted by the 
minister An-tiing.^^^ 

^^ Kaidu's appanage was originally, it seems, at Kayalik (see note 813), 
a place mentioned by the Mohammedan authors, the CaiZac of Rubruck. 
In the Yiian shi, annals, s. a. 1252, it is recorded that Mangu khan, after 
his accession, ordered Hai-du to live in the country of Hai-ya-li. 

^^ Pei ping wang was the title of Na-mu-han, the fourth son of Kubilai. 
In the short biographical note devoted to this prince in the Yiian shi lei 
pien, chap. xxx. foh 16, we read that this title was granted to him in 1266. 
In 1282 it was changed into Pei an wang. 

8i<> An-t'ung of the Yiian shi is evidently the Noyan Hantum of Rashiii 
(d'Ohsson, ii. 452). His biography is found there in chap, cxxvi. He is 
stated to have been a great-grandson of the celebrated Mongol general 
Mu-hua-li (see notes 44, 47), the conqueror of Northern China. In the 
year 1275 he went with Na-mu-han, who was sent by the emperor to de- 
fend llolin (Karakorum) against Hai-du. They then passed some yeai's 
at the northern frontier, were made prisoners by the revolted prince Si-li- 
ii, but finally returned to China in 1284. 

Detailed accounts of the treason of Si-li-ki and the seizure of Na-mu- 
han may be read in de Mailla's " Histoire de la Chine," ix. 389. Rashid's 
record on the same subject is given in d'Ohsson, ii. 452 seq. Si-li-ki 
{Hhircki of Rauhid), a son of Mangu khan, was in the army of Na-mu-bau 



It seems that in the expeditions sent by Kubilai against 
Kaidu, the armies of the G-reat Khan advanced sometimes 
to great distances. Thus in the biography of Yu-wa-shi, 
Yuan shi, chap, cxxxii., this general is stated to have given 
battle to Hai-du in the country of I-bi-rh Shi-hi-rh.^^'^ 
Vassaf states that in 1301 the united hosts of Kaidu and 
Dua met the army of the Great Khan some days' journey 
distant from Kayalik^ which was on the frontier of the 
two empires (of Dua and Kaidu). There Kaidu fought 
liis last battle ; he was victorious, but died soon after. 
According to the Yuan shi, however, this battle was fought 
between Karalwrum and the river Tamir (d'Ohsson, ii. 


Mention is made of Almalik by most of the mediaeval 
travellers who traversed Central Asia. As to the reports 
of Chinese travellers respecting this place, they have been 
noticed in Part I. It remains to review the statements 
of western mediaeval travellers about Almalik. 

when he formed a conspiracy against Kubilai. Na-mu-han and An-t'ung 
were made prisoners by the conspirators, who directed their forces towards 
Karakorum ; but the latter were defeated by Kubilai's valiant general 
Pe-yen. According to the Yiian shi, Na-mu-han was made prisoner by 
Si-li-ki in 1277, in the country of A-li-ma-li. 

^^^ It is not difficult to recognise in this name Siberia. Rashid in his 
notice of the Kirghizes (d'Ohsson, i. 103) states that their country stretches 
to the great river Angara, which runs to the boundary of Aber Sibii-. In 
the Yiian ch'ao pi shi we read that in 1206 Djuchi, the son of Chinghiz, 
subdued all the tribes who lived in the forests {Oriangutes sylvestres 
of Rashid) south of Shiblr. Compare Quatremere's learned note on Jbir 
Sibir in his " Hist, des Mongols," p, 413. The Mesalek alabsar (first half 
of the fourteenth century) writes Sibir or Abi7\ Ibn Arab Shah (i. 45) 
states that Kipchak on the north borders upon Abir or Sibir. The Sebur 
on the northern border of the Catalan map is evidently intended for Sibir. 
J. Schildberger, who from 1394-1427 visited many countries of Asia, and 
accompanied the great Tamerlane in his expeditions, mentions a country 

The ancient history of Siberia before these tracts had been conquered by 
the Russians is very dark. Regarding the origin of the name, we know only 
that there existed in the sixteenth century, on the river Irtysh, sixteen versts 
above the present Tobolsk, a Tatar city, Sibir, taken by Yermak in 1581, 
the ruins of which are still traceable. Subsequently the Russians began to 
apply this name, as a general appellation, to the whole of Northern Asia. 


In the narratives of Piano Carpini and Rubruck, a name 
similar to Almalik does not appear ; but it seems that 
Rubruck applies the name Organum to the country of 
Almalik (see note 285). 

Haithon, the king of Little Armenia, on his way home 
from Mongolia, passed through Halualeldi (Almalik). Far- 
ther on he arrived at Ilanbalekh, and crossed the river 
Ilan (Hi). 

Almalik in the fourteenth century was a Latin mission- 
ary bishopric, and, it seems, also a metropolitan see of the 
Nestorian Church. There is a letter of a Franciscan mis- 
sionary extant, dated at Armalec, in the empire of the Medes 
(probably Imperium medium is meant), a.d. 1338 (Yule's 
" Cathay," ccxliv. 231). 

Marignolli visited " Armalec of the Middle Empire " in 
1 341, a year after the Bishop and six Minorites had suf- 
fered martyrdom there (I. c. 338). 

Ibn Batuta (about 1330-34) speaks of Almalik as situated 
at the extremity of Maver-al-nahar (Transoxiana),near the 
place where Sin (China) begins. In another passage we 
find Ibn Batuta observing that Almalik was the proper 
capital of the empire of the Tatar Sultan Ala-eddin Tar- 
mashirin^^^ (^. c. 503, 522). 

Pegolotti, in his notices of the land route to Cathay 
(first half of the fourteenth century), reckons a distance 
of forty-five days' journey with pack-asses between Oltrare 
(Otrar) and Armalec, and a journey of seventy days from 
Armalec to Camexu (Kanchou in China), I. c. 288. 

As has already been noticed in note 803, the name of 
Almalegh appears in the Zafernameh, book iii. 9, in the 
relation of Timur's expedition against the Jetes in Mo- 
ghulistan in the year 1 390. 

Sultan Baber, who wrote in the beginning of the six- 
teenth century, in his Memoirs (i. i) speaks of Almalik 

"'• Tarma ahirin in d'Ohsaon's table of the Chagatai branch (iv. 748). 
He reigned till 1330. 


as of a city destroyed before his time by the Mongols and 

That is all I have been able to gather regarding ancient 


This appears on the ancient map north of Almalik. 
Evidently the Karluks are meant, who formed one of the 
sections into which, according to the Mohammedan histo- 
rians, the nation of the Turks was divided. 

From the statements of Istakhri, who lived in the tenth 
century, about the Kharlekhie, we may conclude that they 
lived east of the Guzes, who occupied the tract between 
the Caspian Sea and the Sihun, and west of the Tagazgaz, 
who, as we have seen, are identical with the Uigurs. 

It seems that the Chinese annals mention the Kar- 
luks two or three centuries earlier. In the history of the 
T'ang there is a long article on the THe-le, a people in- 
habiting Western Mongolia and Central Asia. (See note 
596.) They were divided into many tribes,- which are all 
enumerated. One of these tribes there is termed Ko-lo-lu, 
and said to be descended from the T^u-Jcue (Turks). They 
lived in the mountainous country north-west of Pei- 
t*ing (Urumtsi), on both sides of the river P^u-gu-cKen. 
There are in their country many cross mountain ridges. 
In the second half of the eighth century they quarrelled 
with the Uigurs, their eastern neighbours, and extended 
their dominions far to the west. They took even pos- 
session of the city of Sui ye (on the Chu river ; see note 
583). For further particulars see Hyacinth's translation 
of the whole article on the Ko-lo-lu in his "Ancient 
Nations of Central Asia," i. 437. 

We have seen that, according to Chinese history, the 
Uigurs, after their dispersion by the Kirghizes in the 
middle of the ninth century, partly fled to the Ko-lo-lu 
(in the west). 


Eashid, who traces the origin of the Karluks back to 
Oghuz Khan, the progenitor also of the Uigurs, Kankalis, 
Kipchaks, and other Turkish tribes (Berezin, i. 19), says 
nothing about their abodes in the thirteenth century; 
but, as we may conclude from a statement of the Tarikh 
Djihankushai, they dwelt not far from Kayalih.^^^ It is 
there recorded (d'Ohsson, I. iii.) that in 121 1 Arslan hhan, 
chief of the Turk Karluks and at the same time prince of 
Kayalih, together with Ozar, prince of Almalih, both till 
then vassals of the gurkhan of Karakhitai, came to submit 
to Ghinghiz, who gave to Arslan a Mongol princess in 
marriage. ^^* 

In the Yuan shi, annals, s. ^. 121 i,it is stated that A-si- 
lan Han^ from the ^ yii (western countries), the chief of the 
tribe Ha-la-lu, surrendered to Ghinghiz. 

In the Yuan ch'ao pi shi we read (Pallad. transl. 130) : 
Ghinghiz sent Kubilai to subdue the people of the Khar- 
luut (Mongol plural form of Kharlu); but their chief, 
Arselan, surrendered voluntarily, and presented himself to 
Ghinghiz, who gave him one of his daughters in marriage. 

The same is recorded in about the same terms by 
Eashid (Berezin, i. 132): "In the days of Ghinghiz, the 
chief of the Karluks was Arslan khan. Ghinghiz sent 
Kubilai noyen, of the tribe Berulas^^^ to subdue the Kar- 
luks, but Arslan surrendered voluntarily ; when Ghinghiz 
gave him a princess of his house in marriage, and granted 

^'^ KayaliTc is mentioned by Vassaf in ccmnection with the battle fought 
in 1 30 1 between the army of Kubilai and the united forces of Kaidu and 
Dua (d'Ohsson, ii. 516). It is the Cailac of Rubruck (281). Colonel Yule 
("Cathay," ccxiii, ) thinks that this city was situated near the modern city 
of Kopal. It is an interesting fact, noticed in the " Trans. Russ. Geogr. 
Soc," 1867, i. 290, that in a tumulus (kurgan) in Kopal an ancient gold 
ring with precious stones was found by a Tatar in 1857. It bore the 
inscription "Arslan," in Turkish letters. Regarding the Chinese name 
for Kayalik, comp. note 808. 

*** The marriage of A-rh-sz'-lan with a Mongol princess is also recorded 
in the Yiian shi, chap, cix., table of the princesses. 

''"' In the Ylian shi, chap. cvii. (see also Yiian shi lei pien, chap. 
XXX. fol. 1), the Berulas are termed Ba-lula-sz\ They. were divided into 
the Great and the Little Ba-lu-la-sz'. 

PULAD. 41 

him the title Sart,^^^ i.e. Tadjik, observing that it was im- 
possible to leave him the title Arslan khan." 

I have no doubt that the Corola, mentioned by PI. 
Carpini, 709, among the nations subdued by the Mongols, 
are the Karluks. 

In the Yiian shi the Karluks are generally termed Ha- 
la-lu. In chap, cxxxiii., biography of Ye-han di-ghin, the 
name is written Hia-la-ho. Ye-han di-ghin, who was a 
general under Kubilai khan, belonc^ed to this tribe. It 
is stated in his biography that his grandfather was in the 
country of Wa-sz-gien (Uzghend) with three thousand 
men, troops of the Hia-la-lu, when Chinghiz invaded 
Western Asia. He came to the emperor to surrender, 
and presented a great number of cattle and sheep. His 
son, the father of Ye-han, was called Ye-mi huo-dji. 
Ye-han's sons were Ho-na-cJii di-ghin and Ye-su-sha. 
All these were in the service of the Mongol emperors. 

Sha-ts'^ilan (biogr. in chap, cxxxii.) was also a Ha-la-ho 
or Karluk. His father, Sha-di, had been a general under 
Chinghiz, and had distinguished himself in the war with 
the Kin in Northern China. 

In chap. cxc. Ra-la-lu appears again as the native 
country of Bo-yen. 

P't^-Z^ = PULAD. 

This is the city of Pidad of the Persian historians, 
mentioned in connection with the war between Arikbu^a 
and Algu (see p. 34), as situated not far from the lake 
/S'a^. Haithon, when proceeding homeward from Mon- 
golia, passed through Pulad, and then arrived at the lake 
Siitkul (Sairam lake). 

Puubruck, when speaking of the Germans (Teutonici) 
in the service of the prince Buri, says (280) : " De illis 

8^8 D'Ohsson, who translates the same passage (i. 218), writes Arslan 
Sirialci (le Syriaque), instead of Arslan Sart, There was probably a cleri- 
cal error in his Persian text. We have seen that the Mongols called the 
Mohammedan people Sart or Sartol. 


Teutonicis nihil potui cognoscere usque ad curiam Man- 
guchan. . . . Quando veni in curia Manguchan intellexi 
quod ipse Mangu transtulerat eos, de licencia Baatu, ver- 
sus orientem (they had been before in Talas) spacio 
itineris unius meusis a Talas, ad quamdam villain que 
dicitur Bolat, ubi fodiunt aurum et fabricant arma, unde 
non potui ire nee redire per eos." 

Kashid-eddin, enumerating the countries and places in- 
habited by Turk tribes, also mentions Pida (Berezin, i. 2). 

The Chinese mediaeval travellers through Central Asia 
mention the same place in the same regions. Ye-lil 
CKu tsai passed, in the suite of Chinghiz, through the 
city oiBu-la, north of the Yin sTian mountains, on the top 
of which was a lake (the Sairam lake). In the itinerary 
of Ye-lii Hi Hang the name of the same city, JBu-la, ap- 
pears again. The city of Bo-lo, to which Chiang Te came 
before crossing the defile T'ie-mu-rh ts^an-cJia (in the Talki 
mountains, north of Kuldja), seems also to be identical 
with Fulad (see i. 17, 125, 162). This place was situated 
evidently on the great highway from Mongolia to Persia, 
not very far from lake Sairam, perhaps in the fertile 
valley of the river Boro tala, which discharges itself into 
the Ebinor. The ancient Chinese map places P'u-la 
between Almalik and Emil, near or in the country of the 


Ye-mi-shi is placed on the ancient map north-east of 
Pulad, and I feel no hesitation in identifying it with Bmil 
or Imil, the name of a river and a city repeatedly men- 
tioned by the Chinese as well as by the Mohammedan 
authors of the Mongol period. There can be no doubt 
ihat the character shi in the Chinese name on the map is 
a misprint or a clerical error ; for the Yuan shi writes 
the name Ye-mi-li. There is still a river Emil, south 
of Chuguchuk, emptying itself into lake Alak kul. The 



valley of this river is famed for its pastures, and, as I have 
been informed by Eussian travellers, traces of ancient 
settlements can be seen there. 

We know from the Tarikh Djihankushai that the 
Karakhitai, on their peregrinations to the west in 
about 1 122, founded a city in the country of Imil (see 
i. 226). 

PI. Carpini writes (648) : " In terra autem praedictorum 
Kara-kitaorum Occoday-can filius Ohinghis-can, postquam 
positus fuit imperator, quandam civitatem eedificavit, quam 
Omyl appellavit." 

Ibidem (751): "Delude terram nigrorum Kitaorum 
fuimus ingressi; in qua tantum de novo unam civitatem 
sedificaverunt, quae Omyl appellatur; ubi Imperator domum 
aedificavit, in qua vocati fuimus ad bibendum." 

According to the Tarikh Djihankushai, Ogotai, the third 
son of Chinghiz, had his appanage on the river Imil.^^'^ The 
same work states that Ogotai's son Kuyuk (Great Khan, 
1246-48), in the spring of 1248, set out for the banks of 
the Imil, his own special uluss, where he hoped the climate 
would better agree with the broken state of his health. 
But he died when seven days' journey from Bishbalik 
(d'Ohsson, ii. 2, 234). 

A place or country, Ye-mi-li, is several times men- 
tioned in the Yuan shi. In chap, cxxi., biography of 
Su-bu-tai (see note 689), we read that, after accomplish- 
ing the conquest of the countries north of the Cauca- 
sus, Su-bu-tai went home by the way of Ye-mi-li and 

Ibidem, annals, s.a. 1252, it is stated that Mangukhan, 

8^' In the annals of the Ylian shi we read that after the death of 
Chinghiz, his son Ogotai arrived from the country of Ho-ho. It seems 
that Ho-bo was somewhere near Imil. At least in the itinerary of Ye-lii 
Hiliang, a country Huo-hu is mentioned after Ye-mi-li (Imil). 

^^8 Imil is coupled here with Ilo-dji. I may observe that in the history 
of Tamarlane, the (summer) residence of Mogolistan (eastern branch of the 
Chagatai empire), taken in 1 389 by Timur, is called Aymvl Guja. Zafer- 
nameh, iii. 5. 


after his accession in 1252, ordered T'o-Co^^^ to live in the 
country of Ye-mi-li. 

The name of the same country appears in Ye-lil Hi 
Hang's itinerary (see i. 160, 161). 


This name in the ancient map seems to represent 
Ilihalik, " the city of Hi." It appears there south-west 
of Almalik. King Haithon, proceeding from Almalik 
westward, arrived at Ilan-halek, and then crossed the Ilan 
(Hi) river. 

This seems to be the only instance that any mediaeval 
author mentions a city of this name. The city was evi- 
dently situated on the Ili river, perhaps near the place 
where now the post-road from Kuldja to Tashkend crosses 
the river. There is on the left bank the borough Iliskoye, 


It is impossible to identify this name, which, on the 
ancient map, is placed west of Ilibalik. I may, however, 
observe that a similar-sounding name appears as that of 
a river in the Si shi Jci. In this narrative a river, Yi-yiln, 
is mentioned in the country of the Karakhitai, somewhere 
in the region of the river Chu (see i. 1 29). 

K'U-CH'A = KVCllA. 

Here the city of Kucha in Eastern Turkestan is meant. 
On modern Chinese maps the name is written K^u-clie. 
The Chinese geographers identify it with ancient Kui-tsz\ 
a kingdom in Central Asia, first mentioned, before our era, 
in the history of the Anterior Han. 

Ilashid records (d'Ohsson, i. 105) that Guchluk, the son 
of the klian of the Naimans, having been defeated by the 

"'" To-t'o, according to the Yiian shi, chap. cvii. geneal. table, was a 
grandson of Ogotai, and bdii of JIa-Ia-clia-rh. The latter is mentioned by 
Uasbid (I. c. ii. 99) under the name of Karadjar. See note 742. 



Mongols, fled through Bishbalik to Kudja, to the khan of 
the Karakhitai. Under the article Sunit, Rashid mentions 
a corps of the Mongol army composed of Uigurs, Karluks, 
Turkmans, and men from Kashgar and Kuchai (Berezin, 
i. 46). 

This name is assigned on the ancient Chinese map to a 
place between Kucha and Kashgar. It may be identified 
with the modern city of Uch or Uch Turfan in Eastern 
Turkestan, west of Aksu, situated on the great highway 
from Kamul to Kashgar, south of the T*ien shan. On 
modern Chinese maps the name is written Wu-shi. The 
Emperor K'ien lung, who, after the conquest of Eastern 
Turkestan and Hi, in the middle of the last century, be- 
stowed Chinese names upon the principal cities there, 
named Uch Yung ning clieng. The Chinese geographers 
identify Uch with the ancient kingdom Yil fou mentioned 
in the histories of the Han. The Si yti wen kien lu states 
that the people of Turkestan usually call this place Uch 
turfan, turfan meaning residence. 

The ancient Chinese map and the list in the Si pei ti 
are, it seems, the only instances in which Uch is men- 
tioned in Chinese works of the Mongol period. 

I may observe that a place, Uch-ferman, is mentioned 
in the history of Timur's military doings in connection 
with the war against the Jetes in 1375 (Zafernameh, 
ii. 14). 


I can make nothing of this name, which on the ancient 

map is placed north of Wo-ch'i or Uch. 


Kashgar is often mentioned by the Mohammedan authors 
of the Middle Ages. This name appears even in Eirdusi's 
Shahnameh referring to the ancient history of Persia. 


Abulfeda, II. ii. 229, quotes with respect to Kashgar 
authors of the tenth and twelfth centuries. 

In the Tarikh Tabari, written towards the end of the 
tenth century, and translated by Zotenberg, we read, iv. 
198, that in the reign of the Calif Soleiman, 715-717, his 
general Kutaiha (proceeding from Ferganah) conquered 
Kashgar, a city near the Chinese frontier, and sent an 
envoy, Hobaira, with horses and other presents to the 
king of China. Kutaiba had ordered the envoy to sum- 
mon the king of China to submit, and to inform him that 
Kutaiba had taken an oath to tread upon Chinese soil. 
In return the king despatched four of his princes to the 
Arab commander-in-chief, and sent also a little earth 
from China, upon which Kutaiba might tread to keep 
his oath.820 

We have seen (see i. 252, Uigurs) that, according to Ibn 
el Athir, who wrote in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, 
there was in Eastern Turkestan, in the tenth and eleventh 
centuries, the dynasty of the Ilkhans, who ruled over 
Kashgar, Khotan, Yarkand, and even Western Turkestan. 
In the beginning of the thirteenth century, and probably 
already in the twelfth century, these tracts belonged to 
the gurkhan of Karakhitai (d'Ohsson, i. 170 seq.). In 
1 2 18 this empire was destroyed by the Mongols, who 
then took possession of Eastern Turkestan, which after 
Chinghiz' death devolved on Chagatai. 

The Chinese geographers, and after them our sinologues, 
identify Kashgar with the country Shu-le mentioned in 
the histories of the Han since the second century B.C. 
In the days of the T'ang (seventh and eighth centuries) it 
was still known under the same name, and the T'ang shu 
states that the capital of Shu-le is called Kia-shi or Kasha, 
which name has some resemblance to Kashgar. 

**<> This Bcems to be the same Arab embassy to the Chinese court which 
JB recorded in the history of the T'ang ; s. a. 713, however. The envoys 
brought as presents beautiful horses and a magnificent girdle, and refused 
to perform the prostration before the emperor. See my pamphlet on 
Cbineie Knowledge of the Arabs, &c., 1871, p. 8. 



In the Yiian shi, Kashgar is generally written K'o-shi- 
ha-li. This name there is generally found coupled with 
Khotan (see the next) and Yarkand. 

YarJcand is repeatedly noticed in the Yiian shi. The 
name is generally written Ye-li-Jcien there. It appears in 
the itinerary of Ye-lu Hi liang, but has been omitted from 
the ancient map. I do not find it mentioned in the Minf^ 
history. Now-a-days the Chinese call it Ye-rh-Jciang, and 
identify it with the ancient kingdom of So-kii of the Han 

M. Polo states with respect to the kingdom of Cascar 
(i. 189) that it was subject to the Great Kaan, and says 
the same regarding Cotan (i. 196), whilst YarJcen (i. 195), 
according to M. Polo, belonged to Kaidu. This does not 
agree with Eashid's statements about the boundary between 
Kaidu's territory and the khan's. 

Kashgar {Kashimgar) was at this time a metropolitan 
see of the Nestorian Church (" Cathay," ccxlv.). 

a" ?7-r'^iV= KHOTAN. 

The earliest accounts of Khotan, in Eastern Turkestan, 
we find in the Chinese annuls. In 1820 A. Eemusat 
published a book, " Histoire de la Ville de Khotan, tiree 
des Annales de la Chine," in which he brought together all 
historical and geographical information about this ancient 
kingdom which he had been able to gather from Chinese 
sources. I may therefore confine my remarks to a brief 
notice of the Chinese records regarding Khotan. 

In the " History of the Anterior Han," where this king- 
dom is first mentioned in Chinese works, in the second 
century of our era, it is styled Yil-fien ; and Khotan is 
spoken of under the same name in all the succeeding 
Chinese dynastic histories down to our own day. The 
first sound of the name is generally rendered by a character 
meaning "jade," and was chosen probably in allusion to 
the fame which Khotan has had from the most ancient 


time for its fine jade, so highly prized in China. Yu-fien 
was visited by the Buddhist monk Fa Men, a.d. 400, on 
his way to India. 

In the history of the T'ang the following synonyms for 
Yu-t*ien are given : Kil-sa-tan-na, Huan-na^ and K^u-tan. 
The first of these names is the Sanskrit name of Khotan. 
Under this name it appears also in the narrative of Hilan 
tsang, in the seventh century. By K'il-tan the Turkish 
name of the place seems to be rendered. Besides this, the 
T'ang shu states that the northern nomads are wont to 
call it Yil tun, whilst the western people (Persians, Arabs) 
term it Huo-tan. 

In the Yuan shi, Khotan is repeatedly mentioned, but 
seldom by its Chinese name, Yil-fien. The Chinese his- 
torians of the Mongol period generally try to render the 
name Khotan, which was in use with the Mongols. 

In chap, cxx., biography of Ho-sze-mai-li, it is stated 
that when the khan of Karakhitai had been slain, 
the cities of IC o-shi-ha-rh (Kashgar), Ya-rh-lcien (Yar- 
kand), and 0-duan (Khotan) surrendered to the Mongols. 
Ye-lii Ch'u ts*ai writes the same name Wu-duan, and 
adds that this is the same as the Yu-t^ien of the Tang 
period (see i. 16). 

In the annals of the Yiian shi, s. a. 1274, we read: 
Thirteen water-stations (on rivers, of course ^^^) were estab- 
lished (by imperial order) between the two cities Yu-t''ien 
(Khotan) and Ya-rh-Tian (Yarkand), and two land stations 
north of Sha chou. On the same page the annals state 
that the people of Yil-Vien were relieved from the onus of 
collecting jade (for the Emperor). 

Under the same year it is recorded that the emperor 
bestowed the sum of 100 liang of silver upon each family 
of tlie 249 soldiers from Ho-shi-ha-rh, Ya-rh-h^an and 

"^ It seems that communication by water was established between 
Khotan and Yarkand. Both places are situated on rivers, affluents of 
the Tarim ; or perhaps there existed a direct watercourse connecting these 


Wu-duan (Khotan), who had been killed at the siege of 
Siang yang fu and Fan clieng.^-^ 

Under the year 1271 Khotan is termed Wa-duan. Sub 
anno 1288 mention is made of a military colony composed 
of workmen from Ka-shi-ha-rh and 0-duan. 

Khotan is repeatedly mentioned in the early history of 
Persia, as related in Firdusi's Shahnameh. The Arabs, in 
their conquests eastward, never advanced as far as Khotan. 
As we have seen, Kashgar was the easternmost spot in 
Asia which the valiant Kutaiba reached, in about 715. 

In the tenth and eleventh centuries Khotan was under 
the rale of the Ilkhans (see Part II.). In the beginning 
of the thirteenth century we find the Gurkhan of Kara- 
khitai in the possession of Eastern Turkestan. In 12 18, 
after the destruction of this empire, these tracts devolved 
to the Mongols, and after the death of Chinghiz formed 
part of the Middle Empire. We have already noticed M. 
Polo's statement that Cotan was subject to the Great 
Kaan in the days of Kubilai, which seems to be corro- 
borated by the above-quoted passages from the Chinese 

The name of Khotan is frequently met with in the 
historical and geographical records of the Mohammedan 
authors of the Middle Ages. Khotan was famed in the 
West for its musk as well as for its jade. Compare also 
Klaproth's " Histoire de la Ville de Khotan," translated 
from the account of a Turkish geographer ("Mem. Eel. a 
I'Asie," ii. 281-301). 

T U-L 6"-ir/= TURKESTAN. . 

This name is placed on our ancient map west of Uch and 

lorth of Kashgar. Although no indication is found either 

on the map or in the list of the Si pei ti that T*u-lu-ki is 

intended for the name of a country, I am nevertheless 

^^ Siang yang fu had been taken by the Mongols in March of 1273. 
Fan cKeng is a town situated opposite Siang yang, on the left bank of the 
JIan river. Comp. M. Polo, ii. 140. 



inclined to suppose that Turkestan is meant, the Great 
Turkey of M. Polo (i. 198, ii. 455, 456, 460). 

Friar Benedict, who travelled with PL Carpini, states 
{777) • " I^ost terram Kangitarum (Kankali) venerunt 
Turkyam ubi primum invenerunt magnam civitatem 
Janckynt (Yanghikend) facientes circa decern dietas per 
eandem Turkyam : habet Turkya legem Mahometi. Post 
Turkyam intraverunt terram quas vocatur Kara-Ky tai." 

The Tuikya of Benedict is called the country of the 
Bisermans (see note 173) in PI. Carpini's narrative. 

In the Si pei ti the name T''u-lu-ki is put at the head of 
the places and countries comprised in the Middle Empire, 
which, as is known, embraced the whole of Turkestan. 


This name appears on the ancient map north-west of 
Kashgar and north-east of 0-dsi-han (Uzgend). A moun- 
tain A'fe-ha-sheng is mentioned in the itinerary of Ye-lil 
Hi liang after Kashgar (see i. 163). 

At-hash is still the name of a mountain and a river in 
the regions of the Upper Syr daria, south of lake Issykul. 
The At-bash is a southern affluent of the Naryn, one of 
the rivers which form the Syr daria. The valley of the 
At-bash is famed for its fertility (Kostenko's " Turkestan," 
i. 69, 70, 239). Baron Pr. v. d. Osten-Sacken, who visited 
the At-bash valley in 1867, has had the kindness to inform 
me that he saw there very interesting remains of an ancient 
fortress of strong appearance. 

A village AthasM is mentioned twice in the Zafernameh, 
ii. 14, 7, in connection with Timur's war against the Jetes 
of Moghulistan in 1375 and 1376. 


The place assigned on our map to 0-dsi-han or 0-dsi-dsien, 
as the name reads in the Si pei ti, between At-bash and Mar- 
ghinan, points to its position in Ferghana. The name has 


some resemblance to Uzgend, which city still exists in the 
eastern part of Ferghana. Fedchenko was the first Euro- 
pean who, in 1 87 1, visited this place. He found it in ruins. 

Uzkend seems to be first mentioned by Ibn Khurdadbm 
in the ninth century. He notices it as a city of Ferghana, 
which was the starting-point for the journey across the 
mountains to 'Tibet. As the late Professor Grigorieff 
proves in his "Turkestan," 219, the Arabs meant Eastern 
Turkestan by Tibet. Istakhri and Ibn Haukal term this 
city Urkend ; Edrisi calls it Aderkend. 

Ibn el Athir states that Malek Shah of the Seldjuks in 
1089, proceeded to Uzkend, whither the king of Kashgar 
repaired to render homage (De Guignes, iii. 219). 

From d'Ohsson's " Hist, des Mongols," it does not ap- 
pear that mention is made by the Mohammedan authors 
of the Mongol period of this city Uzkend or Urkend in 
Ferghana. It is only on the map appended to the work, 
and containing nothing but mediaeval names, that a place 
EiLzkend is marked in Ferghana. Besides this, the name 
of a city Ozkend is placed there on the river Sihun, below 
Otrar and Signak. This is the city spoken of in the 
Tarikh Djihankushai as having been captured by the 
Mongols in 12 19 (d'Ohsson, i. 222). 

Ozkend is further mentioned by the Mohammedan 
authors as a place where the gurkhan of Karakhitai had 
a treasury, which was plundered by Guchluk (d'Ohsson, i. 
167). Ibidem, i. 182, we read that in 1209 Mohammed 
Khovarezm Shah invaded the dominions of the gurkhan, 
and occupied Turkestan as far as Ozkend. This city of 
Ozkend in Turkestan still existed in the middle of the 
fifteenth century. It is mentioned in the Tarikh i Abul- 
khair, together with Signak and Suzak, among the places of 
Turkestan captured by the Uzbeg chief Abulkhair Khan 
(Howorth, "Mongols," ii. 687). 

As to the city of Uzkend in Ferghana, I may finally 
notice tliat Sultan Baber in his Memoirs (i. 32, 226) states 
that Uzkend is the ancient capital of Ferghana. 


The Ylian slii speaks of a city Wa-sz-gien (somewhere 
in Turkestan ; see the article on the Karluks), which 
name sounds like Uzgend. Probably Ozkend on the 
Lower Sihun is meant. 


The position assigned to Ko-san in the ancient map 
permits its identification with the city of Kasan in 
Ferghana, situated, according to the detailed Eussian 
map, on a small river of the same name, thirty versts 
north-west of N'amangan. It seems to be an unimportant 
place now-a-days, but was one time the capital of Fer- 

The early Arab historians record (Tabari; see Weil, 
"Gesch. d. Chalifen,"i. 503) that in a.d. 712 or 713 Kutaiba, 
the commander-in-chief of the Calif's troops, took the 
cities of Shash (Tashkend), Khodjend, and Kasan. Yakubi, 
A.D. 892 (quoted by Grigorieff, "■ Turkestan," 196), men- 
tions Kasan, in the valley of Ferghana, as situated at the 
eastern boundary of the territories conquered by the 
Arabs. Kasan is spoken of by Ibn Haukal, Edrisi, Abul- 
feda (II. ii. 226). The latter quotes an author of the 
ninth century, according to whom Kasan was the capital 
of Ferghana and an important place. Yakut (beginning of 
the thirteenth century) says the same, but in his days Kasan 
had already lost its former splendour. We have seen that 
Ye-lu Oh\i tsai mentions a city Ko-san, together with 
Ku-djan (Khodjend), Ba-pu (Pap), and Ba-lam (Kani- 
badam), all cities of Ferghana (see i. 19). 

According to Sultan Baber (Memoirs, i. 9), who wrote 
at the end of the fifteenth century, Kasan then was a small 
place north of Akhsy or Akhsiket, the capital of Ferghana,^^^ 

®" AkJmket, one of the ancient capitals of Ferghana, is mentioned by 
Ibn Haukal and other Mohammedan authors of the ninth and tenth 
centurieH. See also Edrisi, ii. 210 ; Abulfeda, II. ii. 226. In the days of 
Sultan Baber {I.e.) it was still an important place and a strong fortress 
on the northern bank of the Sihun. Akhsiket was famed for its melons. 
It leems that now-a-days only the ruins of this place exist ; at least, its 



and situated on the same river which flows to Akhsy (i.e., 
which flows into the Sihun near Akhsy). 

BA-BU ='PA'P. 

This name appears on the ancient map south of Kasan, 
and is evidently the Ba-pu of Ye-lu Ch'u ts'ai, jnst 
spoken of. 

Sultan Baber {I. c. i. 238) notices a place Fap in Fer- 
ghana, situated near the river of Akhsy. 

On the Eussian map I find a place Pap, north of the 
Syr daria, on the road from Namangan to Khodjend. It 
lies about sixteen English miles west of Akhsy. 

position is only indicated in the detailed Russian map of Turkestan south- 
west of Kasan, on the northern bank of the Syr daria. According to 
Baber, the river on which Kasan lies flows into the Sihun near Akhsy. 
Judging from the Russian map, the Kasan river dries up before reaching 
the Syr daria, 

I may observe that Ferghana seems to have been known to the Chinese 
since the days of the Han, when, in the second century B.C., Chang K'ien 
first penetrated to the countries beyond the T'sung ling mountains. Hiian 
tsang, in the first half of the seventh century, notices the kingdom of 
Fei-han, 1000 li south-east of Che-shi (Shash, Tashkend). It was then 
4000 li in circuit, and enclosed by mountains on every side. The soil 
was rich and fertile ; excellent horses, sheep, &c. A kingdom called 
Po-han, Po-han-na, or Fa-han-na (Ferghana) is mentioned in the same 
period in the T'ang history, and even as early as the sixth century (Sui 
dynasty) among the countries west of the T'sung ling mountains. Its 
capital is called Si-kien (Akhsiket ?), situated on the northern bank of the 
river Chen chu. There were six larger cities and about a hundred smaller 
places. One of the first was called Ko-sai (Kasan ?). After the ruler of 
Fa-han-na had acknowledged Chinese supremacy, this kingdom received 
in 744 the Chinese name Ning yiian. For further details see Hyacinth's 
"Nations of Central Asia," iii. 251, 202, 186. 

The Khanate of Khokand of our days, the history of which is very 
obscure, is said to have been founded in the middle of the seventeenth 
century by an Uzbeg prince. Shah Rokh, who established his residence at 
a place called Kukan, situated twenty versts west of the present city of 
Khokand, which was built by Shah Rokh's son. See Ritter's " Asien," v. 
772. The Kkoakand in Ferghana of Ibn Haukal is evidently the same 
name (Abulfeda, 11. ii. 225). Sultan Baber (i. 52) speaks of a district 
Kukan in Ferghana. 

Since the year 1876 Khokand forms the Russian province of Ferghana. 



This is doubtless the city of Marghinan mentioned by 
Ibn Haukal in the tenth century as a city of Ferghana 
(Abulfeda, II. ii. 215). Sultan Baber, in his description 
of Ferghana (i. 5), states that Marghinan is famed for its 
pomegranates and other fruits. 

P. Nazaroff, a Eussian traveller to Khokand, 1 813-14, 
who was detained for three months in Marghilan, as he 
writes the name, gives a detailed description of the city 
(Klaproth's " Magaz. Asiat.," i. 53). 

On the Eussian maps the name is also written Mar- 
ghilan, and on Chinese maps of the last century Ma-rh- 


There can be no doubt that by Hu-djan on the ancient 
map the city of Khodjend on the Syr daria is meant. 

As we have seen, Khodjend is mentioned by the Arab 
annalists among the cities of Ferghana taken in 712 by 
Kutaiba. See also Abulfeda, II. ii. 225, who terms the 
city Khodjanda. 

When the Mongol armies invaded Western Asia in 
1220, the valiant Timur Melik defended Khodjend. 

Sultan Baber, i. 6, speaks of Khodjend as of a very 
ancient city, and praises its excellent fruits, especially 

Ye-lii Ch'u ts*ai, when speaking of K'u-djan (see i. 19), 
also notices the fine pomegranates there. 

In the Yiian shi, chap, cli., biography of Sie-t'a-la-hai, 
one of Chinghiz' generals, who was with the conqueror in 
Western Asia, the name Khodjend is rendered by Eu- 

Philippe Nazaroff, sent in 181 3 by the Eussian Govern- 
ment on a mission to the khan of Khokand, was, it seems, 
the first European who saw Khodjend. In 1866 Khodjend 
was taken by the Eussiaus. 


The river Syr daria, on the southern bank of which 
Khodjend is situated — the Sihun of the Persian authors, 
the laxartes of the ancients — is termed Ho-clian or Hu- 
k'ien by Chinese mediaeval travellers (see Part I.). This 
appellation may be explained by the fact that the Arabs 
generally called the Sihun " nahar Khodjand," the river of 
Khodjend. See notes 189, 334. 


A place of this name is marked on the ancient map, 
north-west of the afore-mentioned cities of Ferghana ; and 
this position permits its identification w^ith Chach, which 
was, as is generally believed, the ancient name for the 
present Tashkend. 

Sultan Baber (i. 97), when speaking of Tashkend, states 
that in books this city is generally called Shash; some 
authors also write Chach. 

Shash was taken in 712 by Kutaiba (vide p. 46). It is 
mentioned by Ibn Haukal and other authors of the same 
period. Al Biruny, who wrote in the eleventh century, 
identifies it with the " Stone Tower " of Ptolemy, the 
starting-point for the caravans proceeding to the country 
of the Seres (China). See Abulfeda, ccclxix. ; II. ii. 221. 

In d'Ohsson's " Hist, des Mongols " the name of Shash or 
Chach does not appear. Tashkand is only once mentioned, 
iv- 557> 5- ^- 1306. It is marked also on d'Ohsson's map. 
In the days of Timur, Tashkend played an important rSle, 
and frequent mention is made of this place in the Moham- 
medan records of Timur's warlike doings. 

To the Chinese, Shash or Chach was well known during 
the T'ang period, in the seventh and eighth centuries, and 
they had frequent intercourse with it. In tlie T*ang 
history this realm is termed Shi,^^^ and also Che-chi or 
Che-che (Chach). It is said there that in the days of the 

'-^ Shiin Chinese means "stone." Task in the Turkish dialects has the 
same meaning. Thus Tashkend means "stone city." 


Han it formed the northern boundary of the country 
Ta wan, first reached by the Chinese general Chang K'ien 
in about 130 B.C. The residence is called Che-che. To the 
south-west the river Yao-sha, called also Chen-chu or Chi, 
is noticed. Five hundred li to the south-west was Kang 
(Samarkand). To the north-east Shi bordered upon the 
dominions of the western T^u-kue (Turks). At Ta-lo-sz 
(Talas; see note 585) the king of Shi kept a garrison 
(here was the frontier). Slii was famed for its horses, &c. 
For further particulars see Hyacinth's " Nations of Central 
Asia," iii. 243. 

The same kingdom was visited in the first half of the 
seventh century by Hiian ts*ang, who, according to his 
narrative, travelled from Talas westward and south-west- 
ward, and then arrived at Che-shi (Chach). 

The name Tashkend in Chinese works seems to occur as 
early as the Mongol period. In the Yiian shi, annals, s. a. 
1309, mention is made of the taxes which had to be 
gathered from the cities of Sa-ma-rh-Jcan (Samarkand), 
Ta-la-sz' (Taras), and T a-shi-yilan^'^ (Tashkend). In the 
Ming shi Tashkend is termed Ta-shi-gan (see Part IV.). 


The position of Ot7'ar — this place is evidently meant — 
is erroneously marked on the ancient map in relation to 
Tashkend and Sairam. 

It seems that the name Otrar first occurs in the Moham- 
medan authors of the thirteenth century. Its ancient 
name, or perhaps the name of a city near the site of Otrar, 
was Fardb, which is mentioned by the authors from the 
ninth to the twelfth century. Ibn Haukal states that it 
was situated on the river of Shash (Sihun). He speaks 
also of the river of Farab, which comes out from the 
Shash river (he means probably the Arys, an afiiuent of 

•'* The character yilan is probably a mistake for the similar-looking 
character gan. 



the Syr daria). Compare Albufeda, ii. ^S, IT. ii. 220, who 
writes Farah or Otrar and its capital Kadar. The Mesalek 
alabsar (first half of the fourteenth century) mentions 
Otrar among the cities of Turkestan. 

The history of Otrar presents two remarkable events. 
Its capture by the Mongols in 12 19 was the commence- 
ment of the conquest of Western Asia ; and it was at 
Otrar that the great Timur died, i8th February 1405, just 
when he was about to move out on a great expedition 
against the emperor of China. 

Haithon, in his " Account of the Eastern Kingdoms," p. 
128, calls Hotocar {Otrar) the greatest city of Turkestan. 
King Haithon, the traveller, writes the same name correctly 

The name Ornas or Orpar, coupled in PI. Carpini's nar- 
rative with Barchin (see note 6'j6)^ is perhaps intended for 

Concerning the siege and capture of Otrar as recorded 
in the Chinese annals, see i. 285. The Yiian shi spells 
the name Wa-i^o-lo-rli and 0-ta-la. Ye-lil Ch'u tsai 
mentions 0-ta-la north-west of Khodjend (see i. 20). 

We read in Pegolotti's '-'jNTotices of the Land Eoute to 
Cathay," written in the first half of the fourteenth century 
(Yule's ''Cathay," 288) — his itinerary mentions first Gin- 
tarchan (Astrakhan), Sara (Sarai), and Saracanco (near 
the river laik or Ural ^2^) — that the distance from the 
latter place to Organci (Urghendj), is estimated at twenty 
days' journey in camel- waggons, and from Organci to 
Oltrarre (Otrar) thirty-five to forty days. But the direct 
way from Saracanco to Oltrarre (passing probably north 
of lake Aral) is stated to take only fifty days. From 
Oltrarre to Armalec (Almalik) Pegolotti reckons forty-five 
.days' journey with pack-asses. 

According to Lerch (" Archseol. Journey in Turkestan") 

^ This is the Serachuk of Ibn Batuta iii. i. Jenkinson mentions Sarai- 
chik as a place existing in 1558. According to Lerch ("Khiva" 23) the 
ruins of this place can still be seen near Guriev, at the mouth of the Ural. 


the ruins of ancient Otrar are still to be seen a little to 
the north of the mouth of the river Arys^ an eastern 
affluent of the Syr daria. 


Samarkand is one of the most ancient and celebrated 
cities of Asia. The fertile valley of the Zarafshan river, 
in which Samarkand was built, is mentioned under the 
name of Sogdo in the ancient traditions of Iran. The Zend 
Avesta names it among the places of abundance created 
by Ormuzd. From Sogdo the name Sogdiana of the 
Greek and Eoman authors is derived. It is generally 
believed that the place Maracanda, visited by Alexander 
the Great (see Arrian's History) is identical with Samar- 
kand. In Firdusi's Shahnameh the names of Sogd and 
Samarkand are frequently mentioned. Ibn Khurdadbih 
(ninth century), Istakhri, Ibn Haukal, all state that Samar- 
kand is the capital of Sogd. Very little is known of the 
ancient history of Samarkand. Before the Arabs had 
conquered Transoxiana, these tracts, and also Sogdiana, 
belonged to the Turks. In the tenth century we find the 
Samanide dynasty was reigning over Transoxiana. In 
the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Sogdiana was com- 
prised in the dominions of the Ilek khans of Turkestan, 
who, after the Karakhitai had occupied Turkestan about 
1 125, continued to rule over Transoxiana as vassals of 
the ghurkan. In 12 13, Osman, the last of these khans, 
was killed by Sultan Malimud Khovarazm Shah, who then 
took possession of Transoxiana, and transferred his resi- 
dence to Samarkand. He was there when Chinghiz army 
entered Transoxiana. The city surrendered to the Mon- 
gols in 1220 and was destroyed. 

Samarkand, in the days of the Mongols, was repeatedly 
visited by Europeans and other Christians. There was a 
metropolitan See of the Nestorian Church and also a Latin 
missionary bishopric at Samarkand in the fourteenth cen- 
tury (Yule's "Cathay," ccxliv. 192). The Christian mission- 



aries in the Middle Ages called it Semiscant. M. Polo, i. 191, 
devotes a chapter to the great city of Samarcan, but he did 
not see it. King Haithon, the traveller, terms it Semergent. 

The Chinese report respecting Samarkand as follows : 
There can be no doubt that Sogdiana was known to them as 
early as the second century B.C., since the famous Chinese 
general Chang K*ien had visited the countries of the Far 
West. From the vague accounts found in the histories of the 
Han, it is not easy to identify the ancient Chinese names 
applied to the countries of Western Asia. It seems, how- 
ever, that the country K^ang-Jcu, first spoken of in the 
history of the Earlier Han, in the second century B.C., in- 
cluded Sogdiana ; for in the history of the Northern Wei 
(386-558) a country in the west called K^ang is men- 
tioned, and it is stated there that the dynasty reigning in 
K*ang is a branch of the former dynasty in K'ang-kli of the 
Han period. In the history of the T'ang the kingdom of 
K^ang is again spoken of. It was also called Sa-mo-hien, 
which name is evidently intended for Samarkand. In the 
seventh and eighth centuries the rulers of K'ang used to 
send embassies to the Chinese court. In the first half 
of the seventh century, the Buddhist monk Hlian ts*ang 
visited Sa-mo-kien, and his itinerary leaves no doubt that 
by this name Samarkand is to be understood. 

We find Samarkand again mentioned in the Chinese 
annals in the first half of the twelfth century. Ye-lii 
Ta-shi, the founder of the Karakhitai dynasty, advanced 
as far as Samarkand, and even beyond it. In the Chinese 
narrative of his expedition this name is rendered by Siln- 
sz-kan (see i. 215). The same name was also in use in 
the East during the Mongol period. Chinese mediaeval 
travellers to the West in the thirteenth century term 
Samarkand Sun-sz-kan and also Sie-mi- sz-kan. The latter 
name is evidently intended for Semiscant, a mediaeval 
name for Samarkand (see note 195). Ch'ang cliun states 
that the same city was also called Ho chung fu (the city 
between the rivers), which is a literal translation of the 


Arabic "Bein naharein " (see note 221). An interesting 
explanation is given by Ye-lti Ch*u ts'ai of the name 
Sun-sZ'kan (or rather Sie-mi-sz-kan). He states that 
Western people say that the meaning of this name is 
** fat ; " and as the land there is very fertile, the city re- 
ceived this name. Indeed, semiz in Turkish means " fat " 
(see note 29).^^^ 

In the annals of the Yiian shi, where Chinghiz' expedi- 
tion to the west is recorded, both the above-mentioned 
Chinese names for Samarkand occur. Ibidem, s. a. 1309, 
the same city is called Sa-ma-rh-kan, as on our ancient 

I may, finally, mention an interesting ancient Chinese 
document referring to Samarkand, and translated by Archi- 
mandrite Palladius in the " Chinese Recorder," vi. 108. 
An ancient monument in Chin kiang fu, commemorative 
of Ma Sie-li-ki-sz, a Christian and a native of Samarkand, 
mentions Sie-mi-sz -hien as a country where the religion 
of the Ye-li-Uo-wen (Christians) dominates ; and speaks of 
a miraculous temple there, one pillar of which was in a 
hanging position, &c. This statement has special interest, 
for M. Polo, ii. 162, speaks of the Baron Mar Sarghis, a 
Nestorian Christian, who was governor of Chingliianfu. 
Polo also records (i. 191) the miracle in the Christian 
church of Samarcan, where one of the columns was with- 
out support. 


By this name, placed on our ancient map south-west of 
Samarkand and south-east of Bokhara, only Nakhsheb or 
Karshi on modern maps can be meant, a city belonging to 
the dominions of the khan of Bukhara. 

It seems that Nakhsheb is spoken of in the history of 
tlie Wei dynasty (386-558). At least the name Na-she-ho, 

*" Al Binmy ( + 1038) states that Samezkend is the Turkish name for 
Samarkand, and that it means "sun-city." See Sprenger's "Post- und 
iiciiwrouten des Orientes," 21. 



mentioned there under the article X'ang (Samarkand) as 
that of a small realm subject to K*ang, has a strong 
resemblance to Nakhsheb. The same name appears also 
in the T'ang history. 

Nakhsheb is an ancient city. This name appears in the 
Shahnameh. It is stated there that in the reign of the 
Sassanian king Nushirvan (531-579) the khan of China 
invaded Transoxiana and defeated the khan of the Heitaleli 
near Nakhslieb. 

Ibn Haukal states (Abulfeda, II. ii. 219) that Nakhshab 
is situated in a plain at a distance of two days' journey 
from the mountains of Kash (in the east). A desert 
extends between Nakhshab and the Djihun (Oxus). 

Nakhsheb is more than once mentioned in d'Ohsson's 
"History of the Mongols" (Rashid-eddin and others). When 
the Mongols first appeared in Transoxiana, Mohammed 
Khovarezm Shah left Samarkand and fled by way of 
Nakhsheb. After the capture of Samarkand, Chinghiz 
encamped the whole summer of 1220 between that city 
and Nakhsheb. 

The present name of the place, Karshi, dates from the 
beginning of the fourteenth century. We read in the 
Zafernameh, i. 14: "The name of Karshi was given to 
the city because of the palace, in Mongol Karshi, built by 
Kepek, khan of Turkestan (+1321), 2| leagues from 
Nakhsheb. Timur built a citadel there." 


All Mohammedan authors agree in stating that Bokhara 
is one of the most ancient cities in the world. It is often 
mentioned in the early history of Persia. In the political 
changes which have successively taken place in Trans- 
oxiana, Bokhara has generally shared a common fate 
with Samarkand. Thus it was conquered by the Arabs 
in the beginning of the eighth century. In the tenth 
century it was the residence of the Samanide dynasty. In 
the beginning of the eleventh century Bokhara was seized 


by the Ilek khan of Turkestan. When Chinghiz khan 
arrived, Bokhara belonged to Khovarezm Shah. This 
place surrendered to the Mongols in 1220. 

The Chinese annals apparently first mention Bokhara 
by its very name in the seventh century. In the T'ang 
history, after the article on K'ang (Samarkand), nine 
smaller kingdoms are mentioned, which in former times 
had been dependent on Samarkand. One of them, the 
ruler of which in 627 sent an embassy to the Chinese 
court, is called An there, and also Bu-hiio or Bu-ho. This 
kingdom of Bu-ho is stated to be bounded to the west bv 
the river Wtc-hu.^^^ The same kingdom, Bu-ho, was visited 
about 630 by Huan ts'ang. He states that it is broad 
from east to west and narrow from north to south. In 

*^ The river Wu-hu is evidently the Oxus or Djihun, the Amu daria of 
our days. It is again mentioned in the T'ang shu, in the articles Tu-huo- 
lo (Tokharestan) and Ho-li-si-mi (Khorazm). See farther on. Hiian ts'ang 
writes the name of the river which flows through Khovarezm and Tokha- 
restan Fo-tsu. Both Chinese names may be intended for Wakhsh, which 
is still the name of one of the principal affluents of the Oxus. Colonel 
Yule is of opinion ("Cathay," ccxxxiv.) that also the classical name Oxus 
is derived from Wakhsh. The latter is an ancient name. Edrisi, who 
gives a detailed account of the Djihun and its affluents, states (i. 472) that 
the Wakhsh-ab takes its rise in the country of the Turks, then an-ives in 
the country of Wakhsh, &c. 

The Djihun is also called Amu or Amuyeh by the Mohammedan authors 
of the Middle Ages. Quatrem^re (" Mongols," xix. 141) states that this 
latter name is derived from the city of Amol, called also Amuyeh, on the 
Djihun (not to be confounded with the city of Amol in Tabaristan, near the 
Caspian Sea). According to Abulfeda (ii. 78, II. ii. 177), the city of 
Amol, also Amu, Amuyeh, was situated one mile west of the Djihun, in 
the latitude of Bokhara. Amol is frequently mentioned by the Moham- 
medan historians and geographers. There was near this place a much- 
frequented passage over the Djihun. We learn from Biruny ( + 1038) that 
this passage was between Amol, near the left bank, and Faraher, which lay 
east of the Djihun. See Sprenger's " Reiserouten der Araber," map i. On 
the great Russian map of Turkestan I find a place, Farah, on the road 
from Bokhara to Merv, at a distance of about eight versts from the right 
bank of the Amu daria, opposite Chardjui, which lies eight versts west 
of the river. There can be no doubt that Chardjui represents ancient 

We have seen that the Chinese travellers to the west in the Mongol 
period call the Oxus A-mu or An-bu. 



poiut of climate and products it is like Sa-mo-kien (Samar- 
kand). These statements agree with Bokhara. 

The capture of Bokhara by Chinghiz is recorded in the 
Yuan shi, where the name is written P'u-hua, and also 
Bu'ha-rh (see i. 285). 

Ye-lli Cli u ts'ai (see i. 22) says that F'u-hua is richer 
than Samarkand. 


Thus the name is written in the list of the Si pei ti ; 
but on the ancient map it is spelt Di-an-li, and placed 
between Bokhara and Kath. Perhaps Daran is intended, 
according to Abulfeda, II. ii. 21 1, a city of Khovarezm on 
its southern border. 


This name appears on the map south-east of the place 
where Khovarezm is marked. It seems Kath is meant, a 
city of Khovarezm. See Abulfeda, II. ii. 210. P. Lerch, 
in his learned article "Khiva" (1873), xvi. 21, states that 
in the days of Istakhri and Ibn Haukal (tenth century), 
Kath, then the capital of Khovarezm, was situated on the 
northern (right) bank of the Djihun. When Biruny wrote, 
in the first half of the eleventh century, the city had been 
transferred to the southern (left) bank, to the place where, 
according to the Eussian maps, now the city of Kdt stands, 
about twenty-two English miles north of Khiva. But it is 
now about twelve miles west of the river, which, as Lerch 
proves, in the eleventh century passed by Kath. 

Kath is not mentioned by the Mohammedan authors 
translated by d'Ohsson. But in the accounts of Timur's 
war with Khovarezm, end of the fourteenth century, this 
name repeatedly appears. 

On our ancient map T'e-rh-mi or Termed is placed 
north of Balkh. On Eussian maps the ruins of Termez 


(Termed) are marked on the northern bank of the Amu 
daria, about eleven English miles north-west of the mouth 
of the Surkh-ab river. With respect to Balkh, its position 
is north-east. 

Termed is a very ancient city. The name appears in 
the Shahnameh. According to Istakhri, it lay on the way 
from Bokhara and Samarkand {via Irongate) to Balkh. 
Timur, end of the fourteenth century, when proceeding 
from Samarkand to Balkh, always crossed the river at 
Termez. Now-a-days the passage over the Amu daria on 
the way from the Irongate to Balkh is more to the west. 

We read in Edrisi (see note 828) that the river Wakhsh- 
ab (he applies this name not only to the affluent of the 
Amu daria of this name, but also to the upper part of 
the main river), after issuing from the mountain, runs 
along the frontier of the country of Balkh, and reaches 
Tarmedh, then flows on to Kilif (this place still exists), to 
Zam, to Amol, and finally discharges its waters into the 
lake of Khovarezm. 

According to the Mohammedan authors, Chinghiz took 
Termed by assault in the autumn of 1220 (d'Ohsson, i. 

As to the Chinese authors who mention Termed, the 
earliest seems to be Hlian ts'ang in the seventh century. 
His country, Ta-mi, situated on the great river Fo-tsu 
(Oxus), and coupled with Tu-ho-lo (Tokharestan), is with- 
out doubt Termed. 

The Chinese annals Kang mu record the capture of 
Tie-li-mi (Termed) by Chinghiz (see i. note 679, and p. 
292). In the Yiian shi, chap, cli., biography of Sie-t' a-la- 
hai, where the same fact is related, the name is written 

The compiler of the ancient map has committed a gross 
error with respect to the position of Tus, for the name of 


this city is evidently rendered by the Chinese characters 
Tu-sz\ — carrying it too far east — east of Balkh — and 
assigning it to the Middle Empire. As is well known, 
Tus in the Mongol period was the capital of Khorassan, a 
province of Persia. 

Tus is a very ancient and celebrated city. The founda- 
tion of it is attributed to Djamshid, a mythical king of Persia. 
The Calif Harun al Eashid died in Tus, A.D. 809. His tomb 
there was destroyed by the Mongols in 1221. Tus is the 
native city of the celebrated Persian poet Firdusi (940- 
1020) and of the great astronomer Nasr-eddin (1201-74). 
This city had much to suffer from the Mongol invasion, 
being first sacked by Subutai in 1220, and destroyed the 
following year by Tului. It was restored, 1239^ by Kuer- 
guez, who had been appointed Mongol governor of Khoras- 
san, and who established his residence there (d'Ohsson, 
iii. 116, 117). In 1256, Hulagu, on his expedition to 
Persia, spent several days in Tus and its neighbourhood 
(d'Ohsson, iii. 190). King Haithon, on his way back from 
Mongolia, passed through Tus, All the Mohammedan 
geographers speak of Tus. 

Tus at an early day was an episcopal See of the Nesto- 
rian Church. Yule, "Cathay," xc, states that the existence 
of an episcopal see at Merv and Tus in 334, raised to 
metropolitan dignity in 420, is ascertained. 

In the Yuan shi, annals, s. a. 1222, the capture of the 
city of T'u-sz by T^o-lei is mentioned. 

B. Fraser was the first European in modern times (1823) 
who visited the ruins of ancient Tus, seventeen English 
miles north-west of Meshhed. 

i?^-i)^-H^-;Sff^JV(?= BADAKHSHAN. 

BadaTchsImn, the mountainous region, including the upper 
part of the valley of the Oxus, is spoken of by most of the 
ancient Persian and Arabic geographers. 

From early times an important trade route passed by 
Badakhshan, crossing the high transverse mountain chain 



which connects the T'ien shan with the Karakorum range 
and the high table-land of Pamir. This is the direct 
route from the Tarim basin (Kashgar) to Tokharestan. 
This transverse chain, which we are accustomed to call 
Bolor tagh, although the name seems to be unknown to 
the natives of those regions, was crossed by Chinese 
pilgrims of the early centuries. Since the second cen- 
tury B.C., the Chinese geographers designate it by the 
name of Tiung ling (Onion mountains). The route over 
the Pamir and by Badakhshan in the Middle Ages seems 
to have been of much greater importance than it is now. 
It was followed by M. Polo, who notices (i. 165, 181) 
the province of Badashan and the plain of Pamier. 

The name of Badakhshan is met in the early history of 
Persia (Shahnameh). Ibn Haukal, Edrisi, Abulfeda, all 
speak with more or less detail of the province of Badakh- 
shan, situated beyond Tokharestan. 

The Mohammedan authors of the Mongol period men- 
tion Badakhshan several times in connection with the 
political and military events of that period. Guchluk, the 
gurkhan of Karakhitai, was slain in Badakhshan in 12 18 
(d'Ohsson, i. 172). In 1221 the Mongols invaded this 
country [l. c. i. 272). On the same page d'Ohsson trans- 
lates a short account of Badakhshan by Yakut (-I-1229), 
stating that this mountainous country is famed for its 
precious stones, and especially rubies, called halakhsh. 
The merchants proceeding from Persia to Tibet have to 
pass through Badakhshan. 

Badakhshan was known to the Chinese at an early date • 
for in the fifth or sixth century they had intercourse 
with T*u-ho4o (Tokharestan), and knew the route over the 
Ts*ung ling mountains. The name Badakhshan occurs first 
in Hiian ts'ang's narrative, about 630 ; for the kingdom of 
Po'to-chang-na, which he notices in the regions of the 
Upper Oxus, is evidently Badakhshan. 

In the Yiian shi the name of Ba-da-ha-shang appears 
only in the list of the Si pel ti. 




This name is marked on the ancient map south-west of 
Badakhshan. Evidently Kabul, in our days the capital 
of Afghanistan, is meant. According to Ritter ("Asien," v. 
237) this is the Ka^ovpa of Ptolemy. Eitter traces the name 
of Zahulistan of the ancient Persian and Arabic histo- 
rians (see Ghazna) also to Kabul. Indeed, Albufeda, II. ii. 
204, mentions Kabul among the cities of Zabulistan ; but 
in the ancient historical records of the Persians (Shah- 
nameh) Kabul and Zabulistan are considered as two dis- 
tinct countries. 

The Arabs never conquered these regions, it seems. 

In the eleventh and twelfth centuries Kabul belonged 
to the empire of the Ghaznian dynasty, and since 11 82 
to the Sultans of the Gaurian dynasty. When the Mongols 
appeared, in 12 19, in Western Asia, Ghazna and Kabul had 
been conquered some years earlier by Mohammed Kho- 
razm Shah. 

Chinghiz' armies probably entered Kabul, although the 
Mohammedan historians of that period do not expressly 
state it ; but they mention Beruan, which is not far from 
Kabul, in connection with the Mongol military doings in 
these regions. 

The Chinese knew probably Kabul from early days. 
Kemusat (" Extension de I'Empire Chinois ") identifies a 
country, Kao-fu, noticed in the T *ang history, with Kabul. 
Eitter {I. c. 682) ventures to trace the Chinese name Ki- 
pin, which appears in the same T'ang shu (this western 
kingdom the Chinese knew already in the fifth century) 
to Kabul or Kophcne ; whilst Eemusat is of opinion that 
Ki-piu is Kandahar. But the accounts of these countries 
as given in the Chinese annals are too vague to allow us 
to ascertain their position. We can only understand that 
they lay beyond the Tsung ling mountains (Bolor). 


K'0-l)SI-NING=GI{lZ^l'i^ OR GHAZNA. 

Ghazna or Ghiznin, as the authors translated by d'Ohsson 
■WTite the name, is also an ancient city mentioned in the 
early history of Persia (Shahnameh). It was the capital 
of the country Zahulistan, situated south-west of Kabul. 
The residence of the Sultans of the Ghaznian dynasty, 
976-1 184, which ruled over these regions and a great part 
of India, was at Ghazna. This dynasty was superseded 
by the Gaurian dynasty. In 12 16 Mohammed Khova- 
rezm Shah took possession of Ghazna and Kabul. 

Ghazna played an important role during the Mongol 
invasion of Persia. Djelal-eddin of Khovarezm rallied 
his forces at Ghazna after he had been forced to abandon 
Persia. The city was destroyed by the Mongols in 1222, 
but was subsequently rebuilt. 

Huan ts'ang, the Chinese pilgrim in the seventh century, 
notices a city Ho-si-na as the capital of the kingdom of 
Tsao-ku-cha. Both names appear also in the T'ang history. 
Vivien de St. Martin identifies Ho-si-na with Ghazna. 

As is known, Ghazna still exists as a town belonging to 

III.— Countries and Places in the Empire of 
YuE-Dsu-BU (Uzbek). 


The name Kin-cKa has been applied by Chinese mediae- 
val authors since the year 1223 to the country of the Kip-^ 
chaJcs or Desht Kipchah, as the Mohammedan authors termed 
the tract of land situated north of the Black Sea, the Cau- 
casus mountains, and the Caspian Sea, and covered by vast 
steppes. D'Herbelot in the " Bibl. Or." translates the Per- 
sian word Desht by " campagne deserte ou il n'y a ni villes 
ni villages." Charmoy (" Expdd. de Timour," Mem. Acad. 
St. Petersb., 1836, p. 125) states that Kipcliah in the Djaga- 
tai-Persian dialect has the same meaning, i.e., " desert." 


The Kipchaks, according to Eashid, were one of the five 
sections into which the Turkish nation subject to Oghuz 
Khan was divided. The Persian historian relates the 
following legend of the origin of the Kipchaks (Berezin, 
i. i8):— 

Oghuz Khan, having been defeated by the tribe of 
Itlarak, was forced to retire to an island between two 
rivers. At that time it happened that a woman whose 
husband had been killed in the battle, being suddenly 
taken ill, was compelled to take refuge in a hole in a tree, 
where she give birth to a son. When Oghuz heard of this 
he said : " As this woman has no husband, I shall adopt 
her son." The boy received the name Kipcliak, which is 
derived from the Turkish word " kubuk," meaning a tree 
worn hollow by decay. All the people of Kipchak are 
descended from this adopted son of Oghuz. After seven- 
teen years had elapsed, Oghuz succeeded in gaining the 
superiority over the Itbarak. He conquered Iran, and 
returned to his native country. Subsequently, when the 
Itbarak revolted, Oghuz settled the Kipchak between 
their country and the river laik (Ural). Since that time 
the Kipchak nomadise both in summer and winter in 
those regions. 

The first Mohammedan author who notices the Kip- 
chaks seems to be Edrisi (middle of the twelfth century), 
who, in enumerating (i. 498) the various Turkish tribes, 
calls one of them Kifchak. The Mohammedan geographers 
and historians of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth 
centuries all speak with less or more detail of the Kip- 
chaks (Abulfeda, Ibn Batuta, the Mesalek alabsar, &c.). 
The eastern neighbours of the Kipchaks were the Kankly 
(v, supra). 

The Kipchaks in the Middle Ages were known to their 
northern and western neighbours by quite different names. 
In the Eussian annals they are always termed Folovtsy, 
and mentioned for the first time in the middle of the 
eleventh century as a people inhabiting the steppes north 


of the Black Sea, the Caucasus, &c. (Karamzin, ii. 6y). 
Before that time these tracts had been occupied by the 
PecJienegs. The Polovtsy are described as an audacious 
nomadic people and skilful horsemen. The Kussians were 
frequently at war with them, and it was only when the 
Polovtsy had been defeated by the Mongols that they 
made a league with the Eussians against the latter (I. c. 
iii. 228). 

The Kussian historians generally agree that the name 
Polovtsy is to be derived from polevoi, which is the adjec- 
tive of jpolye, " field." Thus the above name would mean 
" inhabitants of the field " (plain). 

In the Hungarian and Byzantine annals the same people 
bear the name of Kumans?'^^ By tjais name they were 
known also to our western mediaeval travellers. 

PI. Carpini states (742, 743) : " Ivimus autem per totam 
terram Comanorum, quae tota est plana, et habet quatuor 
flumina magna : primum Neper (Dnepr) appellatur, juxta 
quod, ex parte Eusciae, ambulabat Corenza (a Mongol 
general), et ex parte altera, per ilia campestria, Mauci, 
qui major est quam Corenza ; secundum Don, super quod 
ambulat quidam princeps qui habet sororem Bati in uxorem, 
qui Cartan appellatur; tercium Volga, istud flumen est 
valde magnum, super quod vadit Bati ; quartum Jaec ap- 
pellatur (laik, Ural), super quod millenarii duo, unus ex 
una parte fluminis et alter ex altera parte, vadunt." Ibid, 
(p. 747) : " Comania vero habet ab aquilone, immediate 
post Eusciam, Morduinos,^^^ Bileros id est Magnam Bulga- 
riam, Bascartos id est Magnam Hungariam (Bashkirs)." 

Eubruck (246) describes his journey through the steppes 
of the Comans in the following terms : " Et tendebamus 
recte in orientem ex quo exivimus predictam provinciam 
Gasarie, habentes mare ad meridiem et vastam solitudinem 

*^ This name may be derived from the river Kuma, vsrhich empties 
itself into the Caspian Sea. 

''" The Mordvins, a people belonging to the Finnish race, still live 
scattered In the Russian provinces west of the Middle Volga. See 
note 748. 



ad aquilonem, que durat per xxx. dietas alicubi in latitu- 
dine, in qua nulla silva, nullus mons, nullus lapis, herba 
est optima. In hac solebant pascere Commani qui dicun- 
tur Capchat!' 

M. Polo (i. 5 2) notices the people called Comanians, 
and (ii. 491) speaks of the country of Comania. 

Haithon, in his "Account of Asiatic Kingdoms "(129), 
has also a chapter on the kingdom of Comania. 

I may finally mention that the well-known German 
traveller, J. Schildberger (beginning of the fifteenth cen- 
tury), mentions the country of Distihipshah. Probably 
he heard of it at the court of Timur. 

The Mongols came first in contact with the Kipchaks in 
1223, when Subutai with his army crossed the Caucasus; 
but it was only about twelve years later that their country 
was subdued, when Batu undertook his famous expedition 
against the nations north of the Caspian and Black Seas. 
After Batu returned from Hungary in 1242, he established 
his residence in Desht Kipchak, near the Lower Volga.^^^ 

8*1 This capital of the Golden Horde was known in the Middle Ages 
under tlie name of Sarai, and is mentioned in the Russian annals as well 
as by western mediaeval travellers and Mohammedan geographers (Abul- 
feda, Ibn Batuta, the Mesalek alabsar, Arab Shah, &c.). Carpini, who 
visited the court of Batu near the Volga in 1246, does not mention Sarai. 
Rubruck, who saw Batu in the same region eight years later, is the first 
author who notices Sarai (380). Sara was known to M. Polo (i. 4) as one 
of the residences of Barca Kaan, who was the brother and successor of 
Batu, and ruled over the Kipchak Empire, 1257-65. The late Professor 
Grigorieff, who many years ago explored the ruins of ancient cities on the 
Middle and Lower Volga, and published several interesting articles on the 
subject (" Russia and Asia," 1876, in Russian), proves that Sarai was most 
probably founded in 1253. He identifies the ruins situated near the 
modem city of Tsarev, on the left bank of the Akhtuba, a branch of the 
Volga, with ancient Sarai. There was also a place called New Sarai, but 
this name is only known from ancient coins struck since the year 1310. 
Grigorieff thinks that New Sarai was only a new quarter of the old city. 
But Colonel Yule, in his learned note on the subject (" M. Polo," i. 5), 
concludes that there were two cities of Sarai, Old Sarai, near Selitrennoi 
Gorodok, not very far off from Astrakhan, and the new city, near Tsarev. 
In 1395 Sarai was set on fire by order of Timur. The city was subse- 
quently rebuilt, but at length definitively destroyed by the Russians 
in 14S0. 


Ye-lii Ch*u ts*ai, who accompanied Chinghiz to Western 
Asia, is the first Chinese author to mention Kipchak, 
terming it K'o-fu-cKa.^^^ He describes the country as vast 
plains without cities, where many horses and much cattle 
are bred. 

The Yuan ch'ao pi shi calls the Kipchaks Kihcha ; the 
Yiian shi always spells the name Kin ch'a, as it is rendered 
on our map. Compare i. 310-312, for accounts given in 
these works regarding the conquest of this country by the 

The Chinese annals Kang mu, s. a. 1237, state concern- 
ing Kin-cKa that this country is distant thirty thousand li 
from China. In summer the nights there are extremely 
short; soon after the sun has set it rises again. There 
are fine horses, and wealthy people breed a large number 
of them. The people are skilful in working leather and 
metal. They have blue eyes and red hair. 

In the biography of T^u-t^u-ha (Yiian shi, chap, cxxviii.), 
who was a Kipchak prince and general in Kubilai khan's 
army, the following somewhat obscure account is given of 
Kin-ch'a : — 

The ancestors of the people of Kin-ch*a originally dwelt 
north of Wu ping^ on the river Bje-lien, near the mountain 
An-da-han, (All these names are unknown to me.) Kil- 
ch'u emigrated to the north-west, to the mountain called 
Yii-li-hO'li, and this name was then adopted for the reign- 
ing family. K*li-ch*u had a son So-mo-na, who also had a 
son I-no-sz\ They were all hereditary princes of Kin-ch'a. 
When Chinghiz was at war with the Mie-li-ki (Merkits), 
their prince, Huo-du, fled to Kin-ch*a.^^^ Chinghiz 

®3' As we have seen, Edrisi writes Kifchak. 

^^ Rashid records (Berezin, i. 73) that Khudu, a Merkit prince, at- 
tempted to flee to Kipchak, but was slain by the Mongols. In the 
biography of Subutai (see note 689) also it is stated that Huo-du, chief of the 
Merkits, fled to Kin-cKa. He was pursued by Subutai, who vanquished 
the Kin-ch'a army at Yii-yu. The Mohammedan authors record (d'Ohsson, 
i. 108) the appearance of the Merkits, conducted by their chief Tuk Togam 
north of the Aral lake, and their pursuit by the Mongols. 


demanded his delivery, which was refused, when the em- 
peror gave orders to attack Kin-ch'a. When I-no-sz' 
became old, his realm was troubled by insurrections, and 
his son Hu-lu-su-man then determined to send envoys to 
Chinghiz and offered his submission. Meng-Uo (Mangu, 
subsequently Great Khan) received orders to occupy 
Kin-cha. Hu-lu-su-man's son Ban-du-cKa surrendered 
with his people. Black mare's milk,^^* which was very 
pleasant to the taste, used to be sent from Kin-cli a to 
the court of the Great Khan in China ; whence the Kin- 
cha were also called Ha-la-dii.^^ Tu-t'u-ha, in whose 
biography the above details are recorded, was a son of 
Ban-du-cha. He died in 1279. His son Chuang-wu-rJi, 
who died in 1322, was also a renowned general, and his 
son Yen-tie-mu-Th{s,, special biography, chap.cxxxviii.) 
was from 1328-33 minister of the Great Khan Tob temur 
in China. Yen-t*ie-mu-rh's brother San-tun was also mini- 
ster, as was San-tun's son likewise. 

The name Kin-cha appears also in the biographies of 
the following distinguished persons who belonged to that 
nation : — 

Chap, cxxiii. : Shan-dieha-du-rh. Chap, cxxxi.: Wun- 
djo-du, Bo-f ie-mu-rh. Chap, cxxxiii. : Wan-djo ha-du-rh, 
Si-du-rh the son of T^o-mn. 

A-lo-8^ is the Chinese mode of spelling the Mongol 
Oros, by which name the Eussians are known even to the 
present day. The modern Chinese name for Eussia is 

The name of Eussia {Bus) seems to date from the time 
when Eurik founded a great empire among the Eastern 

83* This is evidently the caracosmos or black cosmos of Rubruck (228), 
a special kind of kumiz prepared for the use of the rich. See also M. 
Polo, I 252. 

836 Kara in Mongol means "black." Rashid terms one of the prin- 
cipal tribes of the Turks, to whom the Kipchak also belonged, KaUadj 
(Berezin, L 20). 


Slaves in 862. The origin of the name, which is not quite 
clear, has been the subject of many controversies. We 
find it first in the Byzantine annals under the year 865. 
Dorn, in his " Caspia" (37), proves that previous to Eurik 
no mention is made of the Eussians, either in the Byzan- 
tine annals or by Mohammedan and other Oriental writers, 
although the Slaves of Eastern Europe were well-known 
to the Arabic and Christian authors in a much earlier 
period. We find no elucidation on the subject in the 
Eussian annals, for we know the early history of Eussia 
only from Nestor, the first Eussian chronicler, who lived 
in the second half of the eleventh century. He calls his 
native country Bus. 

The Byzantine annals record that, a.d. 865, under the 
reign of the Emperor Michael III., a heathen people, 
previously unknown, arrived from Scythia at the Bos- 
phorus in two hundred ships and besieged Constantinople. 
The name of this people was Bos. The emperor, who at 
that time was at war with the Arabs in Asia, made haste 
to return to deliver his capital, and the fleet of the Eos 
sailed away. Subsequently the Patriarch Photius (815- 
891) sent missionaries among the Eos, many of whom 
were converted, and a Bishop was appointed at Kiev. 

According to the Eussian annals, this expedition to Con- 
stantinople was undertaken by Askold and Dir, the com- 
panions of Eurik, who departed with their fleet from 
Kiev. See Dorn, I. c. 30; Sophocles' Greek Lexicon of 
the Eoman and Byzantine periods ; Photii Epistolae. 

According to Dorn, the earliest Mohammedan author 
who mentions the name Eus is the geographer Yakub% 
who wrote about 890. 

In 92 1 the Calif Muktedir despatched Ihn Fozlan to the 
Bulgars on the river Itil, in order to convert them to 
Islam. This traveller, who had many opportunities of 
meeting Eussians, has left a very curious account of this 
people, which was translated into German by Fraehn in 
1823. See also Yule's " M. Polo," ii. 488. 



The Kussians (Bus) are spoken of by all the Arabic and 
Persian historians from the tenth to the fourteenth cen- 
tury, and of course also by Eashid and the other Moham- 
medan historiographers of the Mongol period. 

We have seen from the records of the Russian, Moham- 
medan, Chinese, and Mongol chronicles (see Part II.) that 
the Mongols first became acquainted with the Russians in 
1223, when Subutai invaded the countries north of the 
Caucasus. The Russians were then defeated, together 
with the Kipchaks or Polovtsy on the river Kalka. Pour- 
teen years later Russia was again attacked by the Mongols. 
They appeared on the eastern frontier, ravaged Northern 
Russia in the winter of 1237-38, and in 1240 devastated 
the southern principalities, Chernigov, Kiev, &c. After 
returning from Hungary in 1242, Batu established his 
residence near the Lower Volga (see note 831). His 
dynasty is known to the Mohammedans as that of Desht 
Kifchak ; whilst the Russian annals call it Zolotaya orda 
(Golden Horde). Russia was for more than 250 years 
under its yoke. The Russian Grand-dukes and all her 
other princes were forced to repair to the court of the 
Golden Horde to pay homage. Whoever attempted to 
disobey, or incurred the khan's displeasure, met with 
death at the hands of the Mongol executioner. Thus 
Michael of Chernigov^ who refused to bow before the 
Mongol idols, was executed in the ordo of Batu khan in 
1246, The tragedy is reported with some detail in the 
Russian annals as well as by PI. Carpini (621), who 
speaks as an eye-witness. Another cruel execution of a 
Russian prince is recorded under the reign of Uzbeg khan. 
After the death of the Grand-duke Andrei of Vladimir, 
two Russian princes, Michael of Twer and Yury of Moscow, 
disputed the throne. Yury was defeated by Michael, and 
the wife of the former, being a sister of Uzbeg, was 
made prisoner and died soon after. Michael was then 
summoned to appear before the khan, who at that time 
was travelling towards Derbend. Michael obeyed and 


was cruelly put to death in 13 19. His son Dmitry was 
executed in 1325. 

After Eussia was subdued by the Mongols, the Grand- 
duke Yaroslav II. of Vladimir, 1238-46, appeared in per- 
son before Batu, who acknowledged his supremacy over 
the other Eussian principalities. Yaroslav sent his son 
Constantine to Karakorum, to the Great Khan Ogotai. 
The prince returned in 1245, having been absent for two 
years. (Eussian annals, Karamzin, iv. 31, 295.) In the 
next year Yaroslav was again summoned to repair with 
his family to Batu's ordo, and then forced to proceed 
to the court of the Great Khan, to exculpate himself on 
account of some denunciations brought against him by one 
of the Eussian noblemen. After an audience with Kuyuk 
khan, Yaroslav was allowed to return. He died, how- 
ever, on his way home, 30th September 1246. His body 
was carried to Vladimir (Eussian annals). 

PI. Carpini, who spent more than three months (July 
to November 1246) at the court of Kuyuk near Kara- 
korum, saw Yaroslav there. According to him, the Grand- 
duke had been poisoned and died at the court during 
Carpini's stay there. He writes as follows (761, 762) : 
" Eodem tempore mortuus fuit leroslaus, dux magnus in 
quadam parte Euscise quae Susdal^^ nominatur. Hie 
modo fuit vocatus ad matrem Imperatoris, quae dedit ei 
manducare et bibere, quasi pro honore, de manu ipsius ; 
et reversus est ad hospicium incontinenti, et infirmatus, et 
fuit mortuus post septem dies, et totum corpus ejus miro 
modo factum est glaucum ; quare credebatur ab omnibus 
quod potionatus esset ibidem, ut suam terram libere et 
plenarie possiderent : et ad hoc est argumentum quod in- 
continenti, nescientibus hominibus suis qui erant ibi, misit 
nuncium festinanter in Eusciam ad Alexandmtm ^^^ filium 

*^ Suzdal is still the name of a city north of Vladimir. It was in 
ancient times the capital of a considerable principality of the same name, 
belonging originally to the house of Yaroslav, Grand-duke of Vladimir. 

"^ Piano Carpini means the valiant Alexander Nevsky, thus named on 
account of the victory he gained over the Swedes in 1240 on the Neva 
river. He was Prince of Novgorod. 



ejus ut veniret ad ipsam, quia vellet ei terrain patris donare ; 
qui ire noluit, sed remansit : et medio tempore dabat litteras 
ut ipse veniret ut terram patris sui haberet. Credebatur 
tamen ab omnibus quod eum occideret si veniret, vel etiam 
perpetuo captivaret." 

Yaroslav is again mentioned in Carpini's narrative, p. 
771, in the chapter de testibus qui in terra Tartarorum 
DOS invenerunt : " In reversions in terram Biserminorum 
(Mussulmans) in civitate Lemfinc (probably a clerical error 
for lanckint or Yanghikend, see note 6^6) invenimus 
Ugneum, qui de mandate uxoris leroslai et Bati ibat ad 
prsedictum leroslaum, et Cocteleben et omnem societatem 
ejus. Isti omnes reversi sunt in terram Susdalensium in 
Euscia; a quibus poterit, si oportuerit, Veritas invenire. 
Apud Maud ^^^ invenerunt socios nostros qui remanserant 
dux leroslaus et societas ejus." 

On p. 749 he alludes to the journey of some Eussians 
who went through the country of the Kankalis to join 
Yaroslav : " Post hoc terram intravimus Cangitarum quae 
magnam habet in pluribus locis penuriam aquarum; in 
qua etiam homines pauci morantur propter aquae defectum : 
unde homines leroslai ducis Euscise, qui in terram Tar- 
tarorum ibant ad ipsum, fuerunt, propter sitim, plures 
mortui in illo deserto." 

Alexander Nevsky (see note 837), Prince of Novgorod, 
the son of Yaroslav, was also forced to undertake the pain- 
ful journey to the court of the Great Khan, in which he 
was accompanied by his younger brother, Andrei. They 
returned in 1249. Alexander was invested by the khan 
with the rule over Southern Eussia (Kiev), and in 1252 he 
ascended the throne of Vladimir. 

The subjection of Eussia to the khans of the Golden 
Horde referred chiefly to the tribute the Eussians were 
obliged to pay. At first the khans farmed out the tribute 
due by the Eussians to some Mohammedan merchants 

^ On p. 740 PI. Carpini states that Maud was a Mongol general who 
commanded on the left bank of the Dnepr. 


(called Bussurman merchants in the Eussian annals ; Ka- 
ramzin, iv. 329), and the tax-gatherers collected the dues 
with the greatest rigour and cruelty. They were assisted 
by Mongol officers, called haskaks by the Russian chroni- 
clers [1. c. iv. 97). Compare PL Carpini, 703 : " Baschatos 
sive prsefectos suos ponunt in terra illorum quos redire 
permittunt." In the fourteenth century the Eussian 
princes succeeded in obtaining permission to collect the 
taxes themselves, and to carry the tribute directly to the 
khan. Besides the heavy taxes there was another duty 
imposed upon them by the Mongols. At the demand of 
the khan they had to supply troops and fight against the 
enemies of the latter. We shall see farther on that in 
the time of Kubilai khan there was a division composed 
of Eussian soldiers cantoned even in the vicinity of 
Pekin. As to the administration of Eussia, however, and 
its political relations, the Mongols did not change the then 
existing state of things. The grand-dukes were allowed 
to rule their people as they liked, and the Christian reli- 
gion was also respected. Karamzin gives (iv. 179) the 
translation of a yarligh, or written patent, granted in 
the beginning of the fourteenth century to the Eussian 
clergy by Uzbeg khan. This patent exempted the clergy 
from taxation. 

After the death of Uzbeg (1312-42), the dynasty of the 
Golden Horde began to decline. The first attempt to 
profit by this debility of the Mongols was made by 
Dimitry, grand-duke of Moscow, who in 1380 (8th Sep- 
tember) defeated the Khan Mamai with great slaughter. 
This memorable battle, known in Eussian history as the 
battle of the "field of snipes" {Kulikovoye polye), was 
fought at the place where the river Nepriadva discharges 
into the Don, Dimitry received on this account the sur- 
name Donskoi. This brilliant victory did not break down 
the Mongol power, however ; for a few years later Mamai's 
successor, Tokhtamysh, unexpectedly appeared at Moscow, 
and sacked and burnt the capital, when Dimitry again 


became a vassal of the Mongols. At the end of the four- 
teenth century the Golden Horde experienced a serious 
shock by the invasion of the great Timur. The latter, in 
1395, when pursuing Toktamysh, advanced as far as Yelets, 
near the river Don, in the province of Orel, devastating 
the land adjacent to this river. After the conqueror left 
Kussia, the grand-duke Vassily I. (i 389-1425) refused to 
Tokhtamysh the payment of tribute. But he had under- 
estimated the power of the khan, who in 1408 arrived 
with a great host and imposed a heavy fine on Moscow as 
indemnity. In the first half of the fifteenth century the 
Mongol empire of Kipchak was much weakened, owing to 
the rise of two new khanates — those of Kazan and the 
Crimea. The subjection of Kussia to the Golden Horde 
then became quite nominal, and the tribute paid to the 
khans consisted merely in presents sent from time to 
time by the grand-dukes, who were on good terms with 
the Horde of the Crimea. The Mongol dynasty of Kip- 
chak, or the Golden Horde, was destroyed in 1502 by 
Mengli Girei, khan of the Crimean Horde. In Eussian 
history this date marks the end of the period designated 
by the name of the Mongol yoke. 

It seems that Eussia was unknown to the nations of 
Eastern Asia before the Mongol period. In the Mon- 
gol and Chinese annals the Eussians are first mentioned 
after Subutai's invasion of Southern Eussia in 1223. 
The Yuan chao pi shi terms Eussia or the Eussians Orus, 
as they are called even now by the Mongols. The 
Chinese of the Mongol period write A-lo-sz, sometimes 
also Wa-lo-sz or TJ-lu-sz, All these names evidently 
render the Mongol appellation Orus.^^ 

In the Ylian shi Eussia is frequently mentioned. Ee- 
garding the Mongol and Chinese records of the conquest 
of Eussia, compare Part II. I may notice here some other 
instances where the Eussians are spoken of in the Yuan shi. 

^'^ I may observe that in Mongol no word begins with the consonant r. 
Thus the Mongols, in rendering the word Jius, prefix a vowel to the name. 


We read in the annals, s. a. 1253, that the Emperor 
Meng-lSo (Mangu) ordered Bi-dje Bie-rh-Tco to be sent to 
WiL-lo-sz' in order to take a census of the people.^*^ 

It is an interesting fact recorded in the Yuan shi that 
there was in the first half of the fourteenth century a settle- 
ment of Russians near Peking. In the annals, chap, xxxiv., 
s. a. 1330, it is stated that the Emperor Wen tsung (Tob 
timur, 1329-32, the great-grandson of Kubilai) formed a 
regiment composed of U-lo-sz' or Russians. This regiment 
being commanded by a wan hu (commander of ten thousand 
of the third degree), received the name " The Ever- faithful 
Russian Life-guard.'^ It was placed under the direct 
control of the council of war. Farther on in the same 
chapter it is stated that 140 Mug of land, north of Ta 
tu (Peking) was bought from the peasants and allotted to 
these Russians, to establish a camp and to form a military 
colony. We read again in the same chapter that they 
were furnished with implements of agriculture, and were 
bound to present for the imperial table every kind of 
game, fish, &c., found in the forests, rivers, and lakes of 
the country where their camp was situated. This Russian 
regiment is again mentioned in chap. xxxv. 

^^ This statement seems to be corroborated by the Russian annals, in 
which it is related (but a few years later) that in 1257 Mongol officers 
arrived at Suzdal, Riazan, and Murom, to take a census of the people, and 
special officers were appointed to collect the taxes, when none but the clergy 
were exempt. In 1259 two Mongol officers, Berkai and Kassachik, arrived 
with their families and many Mongols on the river Volkhov, in order to 
number the Russian people. This measure caused a revolt in Novgorod 
(Karamzin, iv. 71, 74). I am inclined to identify the Berkai of the Rus- 
sian annals with the Bi-dje Bie-rh-k'o in the Yuan shi. Bi-dje or hi-dge- 
cKi, as the word is also written in the Yiian shi, is a Mongol title which 
may be translated by "secretary." In modern Mongol a letter is bichik. 
In Rashid's " Hist, of the Mongols " we frequently meet with the term 
bitikchi. D'Ohsson (iv. 371, 380, 381, 410) translates it by "officiers du 
d(5partement des finances." According to the Yiian shi, chap, xxxv., there 
were in the hu pu, or Board of Revenue, seven bi-dje-ch'i. In chap, xcix., 
on the Emperor's body-guard, his secretaries are called bi-djc-cKi. Com- 
pare Odoric's report on the Khan's court at Khanbalik (Yule's "Cathay," 
132): "And there be four scribes to take down all the words the king 
may utter." 


In chap, xxxvi. it is recorded that in the year 1332 the 
prince Djang-ghi presented 170 Russian prisoners and 
received a pecuniary reward.^*^ On the same page we 
read that clothes and corn were bestowed on a thousand 
Russians. In the same year the prince Yen fie-mv^rh ^'^ 
presented 1 500 Russian prisoners to the Chinese emperor, 
and another prince, A-rh-ghia-shi-li, presented thirty. 

Finally, in the biography of Bo-yen^ chap, cxxxviii., he 
is stated to have been appointed in 1334 commander of 
the emperor s life-guard, composed of Mongols, Kipchaks, 
and Russians. 

Such is all I have been able to find in the Yiian history 
regarding the Russians. It seems that no one of the Rus- 
sians in the service of the Mongol emperors in China has 
played a conspicuous part. At least among the biogra- 
phies in the Yiian shi the Russians have no representatives, 
whilst many distinguished statesmen and captains of the 
Mongol- Chinese empire were from the Kipchaks, Kan- 
kalis, Alans, and other nations subdued by the Mongols. 


On the ancient map this name is written Bu-s£-a-rh ; 
but the second character is evidently misspelt, for the Si 
pei ti writes the name as above. There can be no doubt 
that Bulgar, east of the Volga, is meant. The Mohammedan 
authors call it also Bular or Bolar (Abulfeda, ii. 324).^^^ 

^^ This is probably Djinkshi of the Mohammedan authors, khan of the 
Middle Empire between 1330 and 1 333. See d'Ohsson, iv., geneal. tabl. 
The khans of the Middle Empire were often at war with the khans of 
Kipchak, and thus it is not unlikely that Russian soldiers bad been made 
prisoners by Djinkshi. 

**- The genealogical table of the' Mongol dynasty in the Yiian shi men- 
tions a prince Yen-t'ie-mu-rh, a descendant of Kubilai's brother Bo-cKo. It 
is, however, difficult to understand how he should have captured 1500 Rus- 
sians. The Chinese annals speak probably of another prince of this name. 

*^ Two distinct branches of the Bulgars are known in history. One of 
them dwelt for ages on the river Volga. The Byzantine historian Nice- 
phorus Gregoras supposes that they took their name from the river Boi/X7a 
(Volga), on which they were settled. These Bulgars have long ago dis- 
appeared, and are known to us only from the accounts of contemporary 


Bulgar was the name of a rich country situated on the 
eastern bank of the Volga, and on the river Kama. The 
capital of it had the same name. It was a renowned 
emporium in the Middle Ages. The ruins of the ancient 
city of Bulgar still exist, and have been the subject of 
learned investigation by several Eussian scholars.^** These 
remains are found on the spot where now the village 
Uspenskoye, called also Bolgarskoye, stands, in the district 
of Spask, province of Kazan. This village is about four 
English miles distant from the Volga, east of it, and 
eighty-three miles from Kazan. 

The fullest ancient account of Bulgar we possess is that 
written by Ibn Fozlan in the beginning of the tenth cen- 
tury (above, 74), which has been translated from the Arabic 
by Fraehn. Most of the Arabic and Persian geographers 
from the tenth to the fourteenth century speak of Bulgar. 

Bulgar is, of course, mentioned by the Eussian chroni- 
clers at an early date of Eussian history, but not earlier 
than the tenth century. The Byzantine authors of that 
period knew also Bulgar on the Volga. 

According to the Mohammedan authors, the Mongols 
first invaded the country of Bulgar at the end of 1223 
(Subutai's expedition), and in 1236, when a new Mongol 

Arabic and Byzantine writers, and some ancient coins coined in the city 

of Bulgar. No written documents of the Volga Bulgars have come down 
to us. The other branch, known under the name of Bulgars of the 
Danube, still exists. Probably they belonged to the same stock as the 
Volga Bulgars. Early Byzantine writers mention them in the regions 
north of the Black Sea and the Caucasus. They increased in power after 
the destruction of the empire of the Huns (Attila). Towards the end of 
the fifth century these Bulgars are recorded to have crossed the Danube. 
They then settled in Moesia and Thrace, where they still live. The 
original Bulgars on the Volga, according to Fraehn, were a mixture of 
Fins, Slaves, and Turks. The Danubian Bulgars since their appearance in 
history are reckoned among the Slaves, speak a Slavonic idiom, and have 
been Christians from an early date. 

®** PaUas, "Reisen," i. 121; Fraehn, "Ibn Fozlan iiber die Russen," 
1823 ; Idem, "Wolga Bulgaren," 1832 ; Berezin, "Bulgar on the Wolga," 
1853 (in Russian); Origoriefff "Russia and Asia," 1876 (in Russian); 
Yule, "M. Polo," 16. 



expedition had been directed to the west, Subutai was 
again detached with a division to sack the city of Bulgar, 
whereupon the country submitted (d'Ohsson, i. 345, 11. 
iii.). Berezin notices a strange Arabic inscription very 
frequently met with, not only among the ruins of Bulgar, 
but also in some other places in the province of Kazan. 
This inscription means "adventus oppressionis." The 
anagram of the Arabic letters converted into numbers 
gives the year 623 of the Hegira, or A.D. 1226. It does 
not appear, however, from the Mohammedan records above 
quoted that the Bulgars had been troubled in that year. 

Berezin further states that all the ruins of Bulgar refer 
to the Mohammedan period, i.e., from the tenth century, 
when the Bulgars on the Volga embraced Islam, to the 
fifteenth century, and that the oldest inscriptions found 
there cannot be traced back earlier than the Mongol 
invasion. Since the occupation of the country by the 
Mongols the Bulgars as a nation disappeared from history ; 
but the city of Bulgar, even during the Mongol period, 
preserved its importance as a place of trade and a centre 
of Mohammedan learning. It seems that previous to the 
foundation of Sarai (see note 831) Bulgar was the resi- 
dence of the khans of the Golden Horde. We know 
coins struck at Bulgar in Batu's reign. 

PI. Carpini, in his narrative, mentions the Bulgars three 
times {6^/^ 708, 747), and always under the double name 
Bileri id est Magna Bulgaria. Eubruck (252) states: 
" Etilia (Volga) est major fiuvius quam unquam viderim, 
et venit ab aquilone, de Majori Bulgaria tendens at 
meridiem." ^^^ 

M. Polo, i. 45, states that Barca Kaan (see note 831) 
was accustomed to reside at Sara and Bolgara. 

The Catalan map applies the name Bulgaria to the 
country south of the Lower Danube, which even now 
bears the same name. Opposite Bulgaria, north of the 

®*5 By Minor Bulgaria in the Middle Ages was understood Bulgaria on 
the Danube. 


Danube, we read on the same map the name Burgaria, 
whilst the original country of the Bulgars, or rather the 
city east of the river Edil, is termed there Borgar. 

In the Ylian cKao pi shi the name of Bulgar is rendered 
by Bular (see i. 300, 305). The Yuan shi does not record 
the capture of Bulgar by the Mongols. 

The city of Bulgar seems to have perished early in the 
fifteenth century, after which Kazan practically took its 

SA-GEI-LA = ^Ol.QA.T (?). 
On the ancient map this name is placed west of Kussia. 
The only place the mediaeval name of which has some 
resemblance to Sa-ghi-la is Solgaty which, according to 
Abulfeda (ii. 320), was the capital of the Crimea {Kirym), 
half a day's journey from the sea. It is not to be con- 
founded with the Soldaia of Kubruck (215) and M. Polo 
(I 2), in the Middle Ages an important seaport on the 
south-east coast of the Crimea. The Orientals call it 
generally SudaJc, but Edrisi, ii. 394, terms this place 
Soldadia, Sudak was taken by the Mongols in 1223. 


This name on the map is intended for the Alans or Aas, 
by which latter appellation they were generally known in 
Asia in the Middle Ages. 

The Alans were settled from early times on the northern 
skirts of the Caucasus, where they are mentioned by the 
Roman and Greek authors since the beginning of our era, 
as well as by the Byzantine writers and Arabic geographers 
in a later period. See Klaproth's " Asia Polyglotta," p. 85 
seq.; Yule's " Cathay," 316. 

Mas'udi, ii. 42 seq., gives detailed accounts of the 
Alans. He terms their capital Maas, and reports, among 
others, that there is between the kingdom of the Alans 
and the Caucasus a castle and a bridge spanning a large 
river. This castle is known by the name of the castle of 


ALANS. 85 

the Alans. It was built in ancient times by a king of 
Persia, Isfendiar, son of Gushtasp, to prevent the invasion 
of Persia by the Alans.^^ Mas'udi states that the Alans 
were Christians, but subsequently embraced Islam. 

In the Kussian annals the Alans are always termed 
Yasy.^*^ In A.D. 936 Swiatoslav is reported to have cap- 
tured the city of Bielowej, on the Don, belonging to the 
Khazars, and to have waged war with the Yasy and the 
Kasogi. The same Yasi are also spoken of by the Eussian 
chroniclers of the thirteenth century as a people living 
near the Caucasus beyond the river Terek (Karamzin, iv. 

119, 355). 

The Mongols, when they had passed the Caucasus in 
1223, found the Alans living on the northern skirts of 
the Caucasus. Fifteen years later the Alans became 
subject to Batu khan, after they had made a stout resist- 
ance to the Mongols. The Mohammedan historians who 
record the expeditions against the Alans call them indis- 
criminately Alans or Asi (d'Ohsson, ii. 619, 620). 

Piano Carpini and Eubruck also identify the Alans 
and the Asi. The former (709) calls them Alani sive 
Asi, and mentions (748) their abodes south of Comania. 
Eubruck says (246) : " . . . Commani qui dicuntur Capchat ; 
a Teutonicis vero dicuntur Valani, et provincia Valania. 
Ab Ysidoro vero dicitur, a flumine Tanay (Don) usque 
paludes Meotidis et Danubium, Alania." On p. 252 we 
read : " Habebamus autem ad meridiem montes maximos, 

*^ Klaproth is of opinion that this Alan castle is the same as the Porta 
caucasica of the ancients, known also in later times under the name of 
Porta cumana. He places it in the defile of Dariel, valley of the Upper 
Terek, not far from Mount Kazbek, where the great road from Tiflis to 
Russia now passes. Klaproth translates also a passage from a Persian 
history of Derbend, stating that the Persian king Kobad (49 1 -531), in 
order to protect his empire against the invasions of the Khazars, ordered 
a wall to be erected which from Derbend stretched westward to the ^aii-Jian 
or Alan gate. Mas'udi attributes the construction of this wall to Nushir- 
van (see farther on auh Derbend). 

^"^ De Guignes, iv, 344, erroneously identifies the Yasy of the Bussian 
annals (misunderstood by him) with the Yazygs in Hungary. 


in quibus habitant, in lateribus versus solitudinem illam, 
Cherkis et Alani sive Aas, qui sunt Christiani et adhuc 
(1254) pugnant contra Tartaros/' On p. 243 Eubruck 
says: "In vigilia Pentecostes (1253; he was then some- 
where near the Don river) venerunt ad nos quidam Alani, 
qui ibi dicuntur Aas, Christiani secundum ritum Graeco- 
rum, et habentes litteras grecas et sacerdotes grecos, &c." 

M. Polo (ii. 491) mentions Alania among the countries 
conquered by the Mongols, and (ii. 162) devotes a whole 
chapter to an account of the slaughter of certain Alans 
who were Christians and formed a corps in Kubilai's army. 
This slaughter took place in the city of Chingindiu (Chang 
chou fu, in Kiang su). 

Marignolli, in the middle of the fourteenth century, 
writes regarding the Alans (Yule's "Cathay," 373) : "They 
form at this day the greatest and noblest nation in the 
world, the fairest and bravest of men. It is by their aid 
that the Tartars have won the empire of the east, and 
without them they have never gained a single important 
victory. Por Chinguis Caan, the first king of the Tartars, 
had seventy-two of their princes serving under him when 
he went forth under God's providence to scourge the 
world." 848 

Ibn Said (thirteenth century), quoted in Abulfeda (ii. 
287), distinguishes between Alans and Asses; but he 
admits that the latter live in the vicinity of the Alans, 
belong to the same race, and have the same religion as the 
Alans, who are Turks who have embraced the Christian 

But Josafo Barbaro (1436), in his narrative of travels, 
says ; " L' Alania e derivata da' populi detti Alani, Ii quali 
nella lor lingua si chiamano As" 

Klaproth identifies the Alans and the As with the 

®*' As will be shown farther on, Marignolli's statement about the promi- 
nent position the Alans occupied in the Mongol-Chinese empire is fully 
corroborated by the Yiian shi. But he is mistaken as to the Alans in 
Chinghiz khan's service. As we have seen, the country of the Alans 
was only conquered in the reign of Ogotai. 



Ossethi, still existing in the Caucasus. Vivien de St. Mar- 
tin has adduced reasons against this identification, though 
he considers both tribes to have been originally members 
of one great stock of Asi, who, by different routes and at 
times widely separated, severally found their way from 
Central Asia to the region of the Caucasus. 

De Guignes (ii. 279), and after him Klaproth (" Tabl. 
Hist. As.," 174), have endeavoured to prove that the Alans 
were known to the Chinese since the second century 
before our era. I may be allowed to show on what facts 
their supposition is based. In the history of the Ante- 
rior Han (chap, xcvi.) a realm Yen-tsai is spoken of 
2000 li north-west of K'^ang-hil (Samarkand). The people 
of this country are stated to be nomads and to resemble 
the people of K'ang-kli. It is further stated that Yen- 
tsai is situated on a great lake (properly a marsh) with 
flat shores, which is called the Northern Sea. In the 
history of the Posterior Han (chap, cxviii.) Yen-ts*ai is 
again mentioned, and it is observed there that the name 
of the country had been changed to A-lan-ya. In the 
history of the Wei (386-558) mention is made of a king- 
dom Su-fe north-west of K'ang-kii, situated on a great 
lake, and anciently called Yen-tsai and Wen-na-sha. I 
am unable to decide whether these vague accounts of 
Yen-ts'ai and the resemblance of the name A-lan-ya to 
Alania are sufficient to establish the identity of these 

We learn from the Yuan shi that in the Mongol period 
the Alans were not only well known in China, but their 
nation furnished many able officers to the Mongol- Chinese 
empire. Several of them held high offices or distin- 
guished themselves as valiant captains. Among the 
biographies in the Yuan shi, more than twenty meritorious 
Alans, some of them of royal blood, have been immor- 
talised, and besides these the names of many others are 
found there. 

The Alans are generally termed there A-su^ sometimes 


also A-sze. The name A-lan occurs there only once, viz., 
in the list of the Si pei ti, where it is coupled with A-s^l, 
as on the map. 

As we have seen, the Yuan shi mentions the A-sii first 
s.a, 1223. 

I now proceed to give a list of the Alans whose names 
appear in the biographies of the Yuan shi. 

Chap, cxxxii., Hang-hu-sz' (the name is also written 
Ang-ho-sze). When the army of the Emperor Ogotai had 
reached the country of the A-su, the ruler of it, named 
Hang-hu-sz', surrendered spontaneously ; 'whereupon the 
emperor granted him the title ha-du-rh (bahadur; see 
note 668), and a golden tablet of authority, confirming 
him as ruler of his country. Order was given also to 
form a regiment of a thousand men of the A-su people 
(for the life-guard of the khan). Hang-hu-sz' had two 
sons, A-fa-cJii and An-fa-pii, the former of whom took 
service in the emperor's life-guard. Hang-hu-sz', after 
he had returned home, was slain in an insurrection, and 
his widow, Wai-ma-sz', was then placed at the head of 
the government. She put on armour, quelled the riot, 
and then handed over the power to her son An-fa-pu. 

Hang-hu-sz"s eldest son, A-fa-cJii, whose biography is 
found in chap, cxxxv., was a valiant captain under Mangu 
and Kubilai, and distinguished himself in the war against 
the Sung in China. He had a son named Bo-ta-rh, who was 
the father of 0-lo-sz\ who had two sons, Du-dan, and Fu- 
ding. All of them were officers in the Mongol army. 

In chap, cxxxii. is also the biography of Yu-wa-shi, 
another Alan, who distinguished himself as captain under 
the reign of Kubilai. He was sent against the revolted 
princes in the north-west (Kaidu, &c.), and carried the 
Mongol arms as far as the country I-bi-rh Si-hi-rh (v, 
supra). The father of Yu-wa-shi, by name Ye-lie ha-du-rh 
(Elias bahadur, also a prince, it seems), had surrendered 
at the same time as Hang-hu-sz'. Others of Yu-wa-shi's 
descendants are also mentioned. 

ALANS. 89 

In chap, cxxiii. we have the biography of Nie-gu-la 
(Nicholas), of the country of A-su, who is stated there 
to have surrendered at the same time as Te-li-ya A-su 
(probably the afore-mentioned Elias is meant) and others, 
thirty-eight in all. Nie-gu-lu was with the emperor Mangu 
when he waged war with the Sung in China. His son 
A-t'^a-dCi distinguished himself at the siege of Siang yang 
fu and in the expedition against the revolted prince No- 
yen. In the reign of the emperor Jen tsung (13 12-21) 
A-t*a-ch*i was still active. His son Kiao-hua held a high 
office at court. 

In the same chapter we find also the biography of the 
A-su prince A-rh-sz -Ian. It is stated there that his city 
was besieged by Mangu, when A-rh-s^'-lan together with 
his son A-san-djen repaired to the camp of that prince 
and offered his submission. The Mongol prince granted 
to A-rh-sz'-lan a patent to rule his people, but enrolled 
half of his troops in his own life-guard, whilst the other 
half was left to him to protect his dominions. A-san-djen 
remained with Mangu, but was subsequently killed when 
fighting against the revolted troops of She-rh-Uo.^^^ Mangu 
ordered his body to be embalmed and sent back to his 
native country. When A-rh-sz'-lan had been informed of 
the death of his son, he said : " My eldest son is cut off in 
early life, before he could be of service to the emperor. 
There is my second son, Nie-gu-lai (Nicholas), whom I 
offer to your Majesty." Nie-gu-lai was a valiant warrior ; 
he took part in Wu-liang-ho-dai's expedition to Ha-la-djang 
(the Karadjang of Rashid,— -Yun nan). He left a son Hu- 
rh-du-da, who by drder of the emperor Kubilai accom- 
panied Bu-lo no-yen when he was despatched to the country 
of Ha-rh-ma-mou.^^^ Hu-rh-du-da had a son Hu-du Vie- 
mu-rli. All these served in the emperor's life-guard. 

®^* It is not clear whether this is the name of a man or a country. 

***• The character mou in this name may be a misprint for a similarly- 
looking character, 8z\ and then the name Ha-rh-ma-sz' is perhaps intended 
for Hormuz. 


In chap, cxxxii. we meet with the names of three A-su 
(Alans) who are stated to have surrendered when Mangu 
invaded their country, viz., Ba-du-rh and his brothers 
U-tsa-rh-hu-han and Ma-fa-rh-sha. The latter was in the 
avant-guard of the Mongols when the city of Mai-Tco-sz* 
was stormed (see Part IL). 

In chap, cxxxv. is the biography of K^ou-rh-ghi 
(George ?), a native of A-su, who in the reign of Kubilai 
served in the Mongol army. His father, Fu-de-lai-sz\ had 
been in the life-guard of the Emperor Mangu. K*ou-rh- 
ghi's son was called Di-mi-di-rh (Demetrius). 

In the same chapter are the biographies of two other 
Alans : Shi-la ha-du-rh and CKe-l% both in Kubilai's 
army. The father of the latter, Bie-gJii-la, had accom- 
panied the emperor Mangu in his expedition against the 

We may conclude from some of the names of these 
Alans mentioned in the Yuan history that they were 
Christians. This supposition is confirmed by the testi- 
monies of Mas'udi, Abulfeda, Eubruck, and M. Polo. 

The Yuan ch'ao pi shi terms the Alans Asut (plural 
form of Asu). See i. 305. 


There can be no doubt that this name, appearing on the 
ancient map south-east of A-lan A-sz, is intended for the 
country of the Circassians, or CherJcess, as they are termed 
by Eashid-eddin (Berezin, i. 2). Abulfeda, ii. 2, writes 
the name Bjerkes. In the ancient Eussian annals the 
Cherkassy are repeatedly mentioned. According to Klap- 
roth (" Asia Polyglotta ") the Cherkesses dwelt in ancient 
times in the western part of the Caucasus, and also in the 
Crimea. PI. Carpini speaks repeatedly of a people Kerkis, 
but there is some confusion in his narrative as to the 
application of this name. On pp. 678, 679, he seems to 
mean by Kerkis the Circassians; for in recording the 



Mongol conquests in the west he states : " Chirpodan 
vero eodem tempore misit Occoday-can cum exercitu ad 
meridiem contra Kergis, quos in bello devicit. . . . Quibus 
devictis, ad meridiem ivit contra Armenos." But on p. 
659, where the same name again appears, the Kirghizes 
seem to be meant : " Chingis can . . . ivit in expeditione 
contra Orientem per terram Kergis quos bello non vicit." 
On p. 708, where Carpini enumerates, in a certain geo- 
graphical order, the nations subdued by the Mongols, he 
associates the Kergis with the Bascart (Bashkirs), Sarra- 
cens, &c., not with the Alani, Georgiani, and mentions the 
Circasi together with the Butheni. 

Eubruck writes (252 ; the traveller was then somewhere 
between the Don and the Volga) : " Habebamus autem ad 
meridiem montes maximos (Caucasus), in quibus habitant, 
in lateribus versus solitudinem illam, Cherkis et Alani, 
sive Aas, &c." 


This name is marked on the ancient map north-west of 
Kath (see above), and is intended for Khorazm (or Khova- 
rezm) ; it is a name of very ancient date and was applied to 
the country of the Lower Oxus, south and south-west of 
lake Khorazm or Aral. The present khanate of Khiva 
covers for the greater part ancient Khorazm. The name 
appears already in the Zendavesta, the sacred writings of 
the Parsees, and in the cuneiform inscriptions on the 
ancient monuments of Persepolis. Lerch, in his learned 
article, " Historical and Geographical Account of Khiva," 
1873, states that Kharizm in Old Persian means "low 
land." Qarasmiah is mentioned by Herodotus in the 
ifth century B.C. 

We possess detailed accounts of Khorazm by the Arab 

geographers Istakhri and Ibn Haukal, in the second half 

)f the tenth century. The capital of the country then 

"was Kath, on the northern bank of the Djihun (see above). 

This city is already mentioned in the Shahnameh, iii. yy, 


reign of Kai Khosru (Cyrus). After Kath the most im- 
portant city of Khorazm was, according to Ibn Haukal, 
Djordjanieh, which is the Arabic name for Urghendj (see 
note 36). Among the other cities enumerated there we 
find also Khiva, which is now-a-days the capital of the 
khanate of the same name. 

When Chinghiz invaded Western Asia, the Sultan of 
Khorazm was a powerful sovereign, ruling also over 
Transoxiana and Iran. The capital of Khorazm then was 
Urghendj^ which, according to d'Ohsson (i. 265), was the 
Mongol appellation of the city. Edrisi, who wrote in the 
first half of the twelfth century, already notices Djordjania 
(or Urghendj) as the capital of Khorazm, and states (ii. 
189) that it was situated on both banks of the Djihun, i.e., 
on the ancient channel of the Oxus; for in our days 
Kunia Urghendj or Ancient Urghendj is far west of the 

The Mongols took Urghendj in 1221, and destroyed the 
city, but it must have recovered to some considerable 
extent in the next hundred years, according to the accounts 
given by Pegolotti and Ibn Batuta. Pegolotti in his itine- 
rary (first half of the fourteenth century) calls it Organci 
(Yule's " Cathay," 294). A Franciscan missionary, in a 
letter dated Armalec, 1338, speaks of Urganth, visited by 
him, as of a city at the extremity of the empire of the 
Tartars and the Persians (l. c, 234). It is the Urghanj of 
Marignolli, who visited the place in 1339 (I.e. 321). In 
1388 Urghendj was destroyed by Timur, but was subse- 
quently rebuilt (Zafernameh, iii. i). 

Haithon, in his account of Asiatic kingdoms in the 
thirteenth century (p. 128), states that the kingdom of 
Corasm stretches to the east about a hundred days' journey, 
and westward as far as the sea Chaspis. On the north it 
is bounded by the kingdom of Comania, and on the south 
it borders on Turkestan. The country has many cities. 
The capital is called Corasm. 

The Chinese knew Khorazm as early as the seventh 



century. In the T*ang history, in the section treating of 
foreign countries, we find the following account of Ho-li- 
si-mi, called also Eua-sin and Kuo-li: — This country is 
situated on the river Wu-hu (Oxus ; see note 828). On 
the south-west it is bounded by Po-sz' (Persia); to the 
north-west it extends as far as the K^o-sa^^^ who belong 
to the stock of the Tu-hue (Turks). In this country (of 
Khorazm), in the time of the Han dynasty, was the city of 
Ao-kien.^^ The ruler of the Ho-li-si-mi resides in Tsi-to- 
jpei-che. Among the hu (people of Western Asia) this is 
the only country where carts drawn by oxen are found. 
The merchants travel in these carts to other countries. 
Several embassies proceeding in the eighth century from 
Ho-li-si-mi to the Chinese court are recorded. 

The Chinese Buddhist monk Huan ts^ang, in his peregri- 
nations from China to India in about 630, passed also 
through Khorazm. He writes the name Ho-li-si-mi-hia, 
and states that this kingdom is situated on both banks of 
the river Fo-tsu (Wakhsh or Oxus ; see note 828), extend- 
ing from north to south 500, and from east to west 20 or 
30 li.^^ 

In the Yiian shi the name of Khorasm appears only in 
the list of the Si pei ti. The capture of Urghendj by the 
Mongols is mentioned in the annals, and the name is spelt 
there Yu-lung-ghie-cKi. The Yiian chao pi shi writes it 

Ye-lti ch*u-ts*ai states (see i. 22): "West of P^u-hua 
(Bokhara) there is a great river flowing westward, which 
enters a sea. West of this river is the city of U-li-ghien, 

851 In the article Fo-Un (Byzantine empire), in the same Tang shu, it is 
said that this kingdom is opposite the country of K'o-sa. It seems the 
Khazars are meant. 

852 In the history of the Anterior Han, art. K'ang-kii (Samarkand), 
Ao-kien is mentioned among the small kingdoms dependent on Samarkand, 
distant about 1400 li from the latter place. 

^^ Evidently the Chinese author takes into consideration only the culti- 
vated land in the valley of the Oxus. Even now the khanate of Khiva 
consists properly only of the valley of the Amu daria, the rest being deserts. 


where the mother of the So-li-fan is living" (TurJcan Jcha- 
ttm, the mother of Mohammed of Khorazm). 


Sairam^^ is still the name of a little town in Eussian 
Turkestan, north-east of Tashkend, and about 6J English 
miles east of Chimkend. This place was formerly situated 
on the great highway leading from Almalik (Kuldja) to 
Samarkand. Now-a-days, the Eussian post-road from 
Kuldja to Samarkand via Chimkend and Tashkend leaves 
Sairam to the east. Sairam is not mentioned by the early 
Arabic geographers. Lerch, in his " Archaeol. Journey to 
Turkestan," considers it as ascertained that the place 
Isfidjab, which, according to Ibn Haukal, was situated 
beyond the Sihun on the Turkestan road, is represented 
by Sairam of later centuries. This later name does not 
appear in Abulfeda, but the Mesalek alabsar (first half of 
the fourteenth century) mentions Sairam among the cities 
of Turkestan. 

The Mohammedan authors do not mention Sairam among 
the cities taken by Chinghiz, although this name appears 
in the Chinese annals in connection with the Mongol inva- 
sion of Turkestan, and is repeatedly noticed in the itine- 
raries of Chinese travellers to the west in the Mongol 
period (see i. 74, 1 30). The name is written Sai4an there, 
as on the ancient map. 

Eashid (Berezin, i. 2) mentions Talas and Sairam among 
the countries and places inhabited from ancient times 
by Turkish tribes. Farther on (ibid. 1 3) the same place 
apparently is called Kary Sairam. Eashid states there 
that Talas and Kary Sairam are not far from the country 
where Abuldja khan (ancestor of the famous Oghuz khan, 
the progenitor of all the Turk tribes) was in the habit of 

®^ I may observe that there is in Central Asia a lake and a city which 
on our European maps bear the same name. The lake Sairam lies north- 
east of Kuldja (see note 167). The city of Sairam is situated in Chinese 
Turkestan, between Kucha and Aksu. 


encamping in winter-time. He adds that Kary Sairam is 
an ancient and very large city, with forty gates. To cross 
it takes a whole day. In the days of Eashid this city was 
inhabited by Turk Mussulmans, and was subject to Kaidu. 
Ibid., p. 17, we read again that Oghuz khan, after obtain- 
ing the supremacy over his relatives who had attacked 
him, ruled over the whole country stretching from Telash 
and Syrim (Talas and Sairam) to Bokhara. 

In the Yuan shi the capture of Sai-lan by the Mongols 
is recorded in chap, cli., biography of Sie-t^ a-la-hai, one of 
Chinghiz khau's generals. 


With respect to this city, situated, according to Eashid, 
on the Sihun, and taken in 12 19 (or 1220) by Djuchi, see 
note 6y6, The Yiian shi calls it Ba-rh-djen. It is the 
Barchin of PL Carpini and the Parchin of king Haithon 
(see i. 170). 

Lerch, I. c, speaks of ancient coins on which the name 
Barchin is found. The exact position of this city cannot 
be ascertained. 

The Mesalek alabsar (first half of the fourteenth cen- 
tury) mentions, among the cities of Turkestan, Djend, 
Bardjend (not larkand, as Quatrem^re reads), Otrar, Sai- 
ram, &c. 


This city was situated on the Lower Sihun. Ibn Haukal, 
quoted by Abulfeda, II. ii. 216, states that it was near 
Yanghikend (see note 6y6). 

It was near Djend that the troops of Mohammed Kho- 
razm Shah had the first opportunity of fighting with the 
Mongols, before the main body of Chinghiz' army had 
arrived in Turkestan. In 1220 Djuchi captured Djend. 

Lerch, I. c, places the site of ancient Djend at Khorkhut, 
on the right bank of the Syr daria, about ten English miles 
north-west of Fort No. 2 (Karmakhchi). Khorkhut is an 


old Kirghiz cemetery. There is now a station of the 
Russian post-road from Tashkend to Orenburg. 

IV. — Countries and Places in the Empire of 
Bu-SA-YiN, Persia. 

BA-M0U==BAK1A1^ (?). 

This name is not found on the ancient map. It appears 
only in the list of the Si pei ti as a city belonging to Abu 
Said's empire, or Persia, without further notice. Ba-mou 
may be intended for Bamian, a district and important 
fortress in the Hindukush, taken and destroyed by Chin- 
ghiz in 1 22 1. A place of this name still exists, and was 
visited by Burnes in 1832, and some years ago by Eussian 

I may, however, observe that there is also a place called 
Bam south-east of Kerman, which name likewise has 
some resemblance to Ba-mou, and is also an ancient city 
mentioned by Ibn Haukal. 


This name also is not marked on the ancient map, but 
it is noticed in the Si pei ti as a place of Persia. I am 
inclined to identify it with Thdbessan or Thabes, in Kuhi- 
stan. See Barbier de Meynard, ^'Dictionnaire de la Perse," 
388. Thabessan, or, as Abulfeda, II. ii. 189, writes the 
name, Tahasam, in Arabic means "the two (cities of) 
Thabas," for this place is formed by two cities. 

FA-riN=KkiN {!). 
This name also does not appear on the ancient map. It 
is only mentioned in the Si pei ti as a city of Persia. 
Perhaps Kain is meant, the ancient capital of the moun- 
tainous country of Kuhistan. It belonged to the Ismael- 
ians when Hulagu began the conquest of Persia. D'Ohsson, 
iii 158, 175. This city still exists. 



This name is placed on the ancient map south-west of 
Ghiznin, and this position agrees well with Bost, a city of 
Seyistan (Sistan) on the river Hilmend. 

Bost is a very ancient city ; it is the Asbeste of the 
Zendavesta, the Bis of Isidore of Charax (first century of 
our era). See Eitter, " Asia," vi. 64, 1 20. 

Bost is also spoken of by the Mohammedan chroniclers 
in connection with Chinghiz' expedition to Western Asia 
(d'Ohsson, i. 195, 298). See also Abulfeda, 11. ii. 108 : 
Bost in Sidjestan, between Herat and Ghazna, on the river 

In the Ts'in cheng lu we read (see i. 293) : " In the 
spring of 1223 Chinghiz moved out with his army and 
proceeded northward, following the course of the Sin river 
(Sindh, Indus). . . . The third prince reached the city of 
Bu'Si-sz'-dan, and asked Chinghiz' permission to attack it ; 
but the emperor recalled his son in view of the hot season 
commencing." It seems that the Chinese name here re- 
presents the combined names of Bost and Sistan. 

In the Yuan cVao pi shi the invasion of Sistan by 
Tului, Chinghiz' fourth son, is recorded. Eashid, how- 
ever, states that Ogotai, the third son of Chinghiz, after 
destroying Ghazna, asked permission to attack the city of 
Sistan; but Chinghiz objected, owing to the excessive 
heat, and recalled his son (d'Ohsson, i. 317). 

Bost in our days seems to be an unimportant place, 
generally not marked in our maps of Asia. In the great 
Eussian map of Asia I find the name of a place Kala Bist, 
where the Dori river discharges into the Hilmend. This 
is probably Bost. 


According to the early Arabic geographers, the name 
Talekan was applied to several cities or districts in 
"Western Asia. 

VOL. II. a 


Istakhri, in the tenth century, mentions (p. 94) TaleJcan, 
a little town above Kazvin (i.e., in the Elburs Mountains), 
and near the district of Dilem (see p. 108). Compare 
also Abulfeda, II. ii. 168. Barbier de Meynard, I. c. 377, 
quotes the Persian geographer Mostaufi (1330), who states 
that Talekan is a mountainous district east of Kazvin. 

Another Talekan appears in Istakhri's geography (119, 
122), east of Balkh, near Badakhshan, as the capital of 
Tokharestan. He writes the name also Taikan. 

The Arabic geographers of the ninth and tenth cen- 
turies, quoted in Sprenger's " Post- und Eeiserouten des 
Orientes," distinguish between Tayiqan (Taikan), a city of 
Tokharestan, and Taliq^an, a city depending on Merv-al- 
Eud (now Meruchak). On Biruny's ( + 1038) map of 
Balkh and Tokharestan, No. 5 in Sprenger's maps, Taliqan 
appears west of Balkh, between this city and Merv-al-Eud, 
and Tayiqan east of Balkh. 

Edrisi (eleventh century) notices a city, Talikan, east of 
Balkh, in Tokharestan (i. 475), and another of the same 
name west of Balkh in Khorassan (1468). See also 
Abulfeda, II. ii. 207, Taikan in Tokharestan, and 198, 
Talekan in Khorassan. 

Two distinct cities or districts Talekan are mentioned 
in the Persian records of the Mongol conquest of Western 
Asia. A district Talekan is noticed in the relation of 
Hulagu's military operations to invest the fortress of 
Meimundiz in the Elburs Mountain in 1256 (d'Ohsson, 
iii. 194). Another district of the same name was situated 
at the time of Chinghiz' invasion in the south-eastern part 
of the dominions of Khovarezm Shah. Eashid reports 
(d'Ohsson, i. 273, 292, 294) that JShissretkiih^ a fortress in 
the mountainous district of Talekan, resisted the Mongols 
for seven months, but was finally taken, when Chinghiz 
himself arrived in 1221. The Persian historian does not 
say whether this Talekan was east or west of Balkh. 
D'Ohsson on his map places it east of Kunduz, in Tokha- 
restan, where a city of this name still exists. According 



to Wood, who visited it in 1838, it is a poor place. I can- 
not find on the detailed Eussian map a name resembling 
Talekan between Balkh and Meruchak ; but I may observe 
that on the Chinese mediaeval map T^a-li-gan is marked 
between Balkh and Merv, in accordance with the Moham- 
medan geographers. 

M. Polo (i. 160), after twelve days' journey eastward. 
from Balkhj came to a fortified place called Taican, which 
is the still existing Talekan in Tokharestan. 

Huan ts'ang, in about 630, notices a country Ta-la-Jcien, 
which to the west touches the boundary of Fo-la-sz, Persia. 
From his statements we can conclude that it lay west of 
Balkh. This is evidently the Talekan in Khorassan of 
the early Arabic geographers. In book xii. Htian ts'ang 
enumerates twelve kingdoms, of which we can identify 
An-ta-lo-po (Anderab), K^uo-si-to (Khost), Huo (Kuuduz), 
Ki-li-si-nw (Kishm), as belonging to the old land of 
Tu-ho-h (Tokharestan).^^^ He does not mention Talekan 
in Tokharestan. 

The Chinese annals (Yuan shi) record the capture of 
Ta-li-han by Chinghiz and his son Tului in 1222. 

8'^ Tokharestan is a name of very ancient date. The Tohhari were 
known to Strabo, Plinius, and Ptolemy as occupying the land of the 
Upper Oxus. The Arabic geographers apply the above name to the land 
between the Upper Oxus and the Hindukush Mountains. Sometimes they 
include also Badakhshan in this appellation. Taikan (Talekan), Khulm, 
Baglan, Auderab are cities of Tokharestan. 

The name of T'u-huo-lo, meaning Tokharestan, appears in the Chinese 
annals first in the fifth century (History of the Northern Wei). In the 
History of the T'ang we read about this country that it was situated 
west of the I'sung ling mountains, south of the river Wu-ltu (Wakhsh, 
Oxus). The Chinese of that period identify it with the country Ta hia 
(Da hae) of the time of the Han. In the seventh and eiglith centuries the 
kingdom of T'u-huo-lo repeatedly sent embassies to the Chinese court. 
Htian ts'ang mentions frequently the country of Tu-lio-lo. He states 
(book i.) : "Passing through the Iron Gates (from the north), we arrive 
at the country of Tu-ho-lo. From north to south it is about looo li in 
extent, from east to west 3CXX) li. On the east it is bounded by the Tsung 
ling mountains, on the west it touches on Po-U-sz' (Persia), on the south 
are the great Snowy Mountains, on the north the Iron Gates." 



Balhh, in Khorassan, is a very ancient city, frequently 
mentioned in the ancient historical records of the Persians. 
It is believed to be the Badra of the early Greek authors. 
It is known that Alexander the Great conquered Bactriana, 
which province after him for many centuries was under 
Greek culture. 

Balkh was fearfully treated by Chinghiz. Though the 
city surrendered without resistance, the whole population 
was massacred by the Mongols in 1221 ; and two years 
later, when Chinghiz again passed through Balkh, he 
ordered the slaughter of the inhabitants who had mean- 
while settled there. 

M. Polo (i. 158) says with respect to the "noble and 
great city of Bale," that it was much greater in former 
days, before it had been ravaged and destroyed by the 
Tartars and other nations. The traveller saw many ruins 
there. He was told by the people that it was here that 
Alexander took to wife the daughter of Darius. Polo 
further states that here is the end of the empire of the 
Tartar Lord of the Levant (Ilkhan of Persia). And this 
city is also the limit of Persia in the direction between 
east and north-east. 

This statement is in accordance with our ancient map. 
It seems, however, that the frontier between Persia and 
the Middle Empire has often changed. D'Ohsson (iv. 
268) states, after the Mohammedan historians, that, in 
1300, Dua, khan of the Middle Empire, invested his son 
Kutlug Shah with Ghaznin, Sidjistan, Balkh, Badakh- 
shan, and Merv. Thus Balkh and Merv, assigned on our 
ancient map to Persia, seem then to have belonged to the 
Middle Empire. 

Balkh was probably known to the Chinese at an early 
date ; it is difficult, however, to venture any identification 
upon the vague descriptions of the countries of Western 
Asia as found in the histories of the Han, Wei, &c. 



A. Eemusat identifies the kingdom of Ta hia, reached by 
the Chinese general Chang K'ien in about 128 B.C., with 
Bactriana. Here in Ta hia, Chang K'ien first heard of 
India, which country lay some thousand li to the south- 
east of Ta hia. 

Hiian ts'ang, in his account of western countries, men- 
tions a kingdom Fo-ho-la (probably erroneous Chinese 
characters), bounded on the north by the river Fo-tsu 
(Oxus; see note 828). Vivien de St. Martin identifies 
Fo-ho-lo with Balkh. I may observe that the character 
fo was anciently pronounced ho. 

In the Yuan shi Balkh is repeatedly noticed, and the 
name is differently written there. In the annals, s. a. 
1 22 1, the capture of Ban-le-ho by Chinghiz is recorded. 
In Subutai's biography the name is written Bi-li-han ; in 
Ho-sze-mai-li's biography. Yuan shi (chap, cxx.), A-la-hei. 
In the biography of Ch*a-han, Ylian shi (chap, cxxxvii.), 
it is stated that he was a native of Ban-le-lw, a city of 
the Si yil (Western Asia). 

Ch'ang Ch*un, on his way from Samarkand to the Hin- 
dukush, passed through the city of Ban-li, by which 
name again Balkh is meant. Ye-lii Ch'u ts'ai designates 
Balkh by the single character Ban. (See i. 23, 93.) 


This name is found in the list of the Si pei ti, but not 
on the ancient map. Evidently Nishahur, or Naisdbur, as 
Abulfeda writes the name, the ancient capital of Khoras- 
san is meant ; for Nishabur is repeatedly mentioned under 
nearly the same name in the Ylian shi, in connection with 
the Mongol invasion of Persia. In the annals, s. a. 1221, 
the name of Nishabur is rendered by Ni-cKa-wib-rh^^^ (see 
Part 11.) ; in the biography of the Uigur prince Ba-rh-chu 
(see Uigurs) by Ni-sha-hu-li ; and in the biography of Ho- 
8ze-mai-li, Yuan shi (chap, cxx.), by Ni-sha-bu-rli, 

^^ Abulfeda (II, ii. 189) says that the Persian name of the city is 


According to the Mohammedan historians, Nishabur was 
taken and destroyed by the Mongols in April 1221. 

Nishabur i^ an ancient city. It is the Niscea of the 
ancient Greeks and Romans, the Nigaia of the Zenda- 
vesta (Eitter, " Asien," vi.a. 56). The Arabic and Persian 
authors, however, record that Nishabur was founded by 
King Shapor (Sapor II., 3 10-380) of the Sassanian dynasty, 
and that the name is derived from its founder. 


This name also is only found in the Si pei ti, not on 
the map. It seems Sarakhs is meant, a city of Khorassan 
mentioned by the early Arab geographers. Its foundation 
is attributed to the early kings of Persia. A city of this 
name still exists south-west of Merv, on the river Herirud. 
This place is mentioned in the Mohammedan relations 
of Chinghiz' expedition to Western Asia (d'Ohsson, i. 
281). The capture of a place Si-la-sz' by the Mongols is 
recorded in the Yiian shi, s. a. 122 1, where the name 
appears together with Merv and Maruchak, and probably 
is intended for Sarakhs.^^^ 


Ba-wa-rh-di is also missing from the ancient map. The 
list of the Si pei ti places it together with Merv and 
Sarakhs. Probably Baverd or Ahiverd is meant, a city of 
Khorassan mentioned by the ancient Arabic and Persian 
geographers. In map No. 4, Khorassan, in Sprenger's 
" Post- und Reiserouten des Orientes," according to Biruny 
and the Atwal, Ahiverd is placed north-west of Sarakhs, 
between this city and Nasa. But d'Ohsson on his map 
locates Nessa between Serakhs and Abiverd. Abiverd is 
not marked on the detailed Russian map. On Petermann's 
map of Iran and Turan, 1879, I find Abiverd about sixty- 

^"^ Ancient Sarakhs (i.e., the ruins), on the eastern bank of the Herirud, 
now belongs to Russia, whilst the fortress called New Sarakhs on the 
opposite bank stands on Persian ground. 



two English miles east of Askhabad, on the border of the 
desert. Petermann draws probably from some old map 
partly based upon Mohammedan information. 

I have not met with the name of Baverd or Abiverd in 
d'Ohsson's " History of the Mongols ; " but it seems that 
in the Ylian shi, in chap, cxxiii., this name appears in the 
biography of A-la-wa-rh-sz\ where we read that he was a 
Hui-hu (Mohammedan) from Ba-wa-rh, a commander of a 
thousand in his country. When Chinghiz' army arrived 
at Ba-wa-rh, A-la-wa-rh-sz' surrendered and subsequently 
entered the Mongol service. 

Compare about Abiverd, Abulfeda, II. ii. 185, 186; 
Barbier de M., I. c. 13, 563 {sub Nessa). The name of 
Baverd, written also Abiverd, occurs frequently in the 
Zafernameh ; conquest of Khorassan by Timur, 1382-92, 
ii. 2,7, 48; iii. 18, &c. Clavijo, on his way from Northern 
Persia to Samarkand and back in 1404, passed through 
Baverd. The name is misspelt in the itinerary : Buela 
and Baubartel {no, 181). Baverd was visited in 1566 by 
the Turkish Admiral Sidi Ali (" Journ. Asiatique," ix.). 


Ma-li-wu is marked on the ancient map south of Bokh- 
ara, and evidently denotes Maru (Meru) or Merv, one of 
the four capitals (Merv, Herat, Mshabur, Balkh) of Khor- 
assan in the Middle Ages (d'Ohsson, i. 245). Maru is 
one of the places of abundance of the Zendavesta (Eitter, 
I. c. yi.a. 52). The province Margiana, with the city of 
Antiochia of Isidore of Charax, is the same as Merv {ibid. 

The early Arab geographers write Maru, Meru, or MarVy 
and distinguish two cities of this name, one of which is 
called Meinu Shahidjan, the other Meru-al-Rud. Both 
are situated on the river Meru-rud, called also Murghab 
(Istakhri, 116, 118; Abulfeda, II. ii. 195, 196). 

According to Istakhri, it was near Meru Shahidjan that 
Yezdejerd, the last king of the Sassanian kingdom, was slain, 


in a mill (a.d. 652). This event is also reported in the 

During Chinghiz' expedition to Western Asia, Merv 
was plundered several times by the Mongols, as the 
Persian historians record. They mean probably Merv 
Shahidjan, which was the more important of the two 
cities ; whilst Meruchak in the same relation (d'Ohsson, i. 
280) is Merv-al-Eud. In the Yuan shi mention is made 
of both cities. It is stated there that in 1221 T'o-lei took 
the cities of Ma-lu-cK a-ye-k* 0, Ma-lu, and Si-la-sz\ The 
first name is evidently intended for Meruchak. This latter 
place is identified by Eitter (l. c. 229) with Merv-al-Eud. 
Meruchak still exists on the river Murghab, about no 
English miks south-east of Merv. 


Dehistan is still the name of the country bordering 
on the south-eastern shore of the Caspian Sea, north of 
the Atrek river. Hammer derives the name from the 
Daoi of Herodotus, and the Daai, a people of Hyrcania, 
according to Strabo. 

Istakhri (103) states that Dehistan is a city situated on 
a neck of land, fifty parasangs from Aheskun (see note 
669). Abulfeda, II. ii. 181, writes the name Dihistan. 
According to some authors he quotes, Dihistan was also 
the name of a whole province in the above-stated region. 

The Tarikh Djihankushai spells the name Dihistan 
(d'Ohsson, i. 259). Turkan Khatun, the mother of Mo- 
hammed Shah, proceeded from Urghendj to Mazanderan 
through Dihistan. The same name appears once more in 
d'Ohsson's translation from the Persian historians ; in iv. 
685 we read that Hassan and Talish, the sons of Choban, 
a revolted general of Abu Said, in 1327 fled from Mazan- 
deran through Dihistan to Khovarezm. 

On the Catalan map Deystam is marked on the south- 
eastern corner of the Sea of Baku (Caspian). 



Djurdjan or Gurgan in the Middle Ages was a famous 
city situated on the river Guran or Gitorghen, which dis- 
charges into the south-eastern corner of the Caspian Sea. 

It is believed that Djurdjan is the Vehrkana of the 
Zendavesta, and the Hyrkania of the ancient Greek and 
Eoman writers. See Eitter, "Asia," Yi.a. 61. 

Gurgan is mentioned in the early history of Persia 
(Shahnameh, i. 393) together with Dehistan. All the 
early Arab geographers speak of Gurgan or Djurdjan. 
The latter, according to Yakut, is the Arabic pronuncia- 
tion (Barbier d. M., /. c. 481). 

According to Mas'udi, in the tenth century, the trade of 
Eussia with Balkh, Eayi, Bagdad passed through Djurdjan 
(Abulfeda, lix.). 

After Timur had subdued Mazanderan in 1392, he 
ordered the magnificent palace of Shasman to be built 
near Djurdjan (Zafernameh, iii. 20). 

The ruins of ancient Djurdjan are still to be seen. 
Eraser in 1822 visited the Gurgan river, and saw from a 
distance a remarkable old tower belonging to Djurdjan 
(Eitter, L c. vi.a. 358). In 1849 Bode published a descrip- 
tion of these ruins (Dorn's "Caspia," 53, 54). 

This name is placed on the map between Djurdjan and 
Simnan (see the next), and I have little doubt Thamiseh 
or Tamis is intended, a city of Tabaristan, according to 
the early Arab geographers. Istakhri, 98; Sprenger's 
" Postrouten ; " Abulfeda, II. ii. 178. Yakut (Barbier de 
M., 394) states that this place was situated in the plain of 
Tabari, sixteen farsakhs from Sariah (see farther on), on 
the boundary between Tabaristan and Khorassan. The 
Persians call it also Nemiseh. 



Istakhri states (98) that Simnan is a city in the district 
of Komesh; Abulfeda (II. ii. 178) calls it the capital of 
Kumess; other geographers (Yakut) consider Dameghan 
to be the capital of Kumess. The city of Simnan still 
exists. It lies south-west of Dameghan, on the great high- 
way from Khorassan to Teheran (Eayi). 

The Mohammedan historians of the Mongol period 
frequently mention Simnan. See d'Ohsson, i. 248, iii. 194, 
iv. 177, 675. 


Sari is still the name of a city in the Persian province 
of Mazanderan. It is an ancient city, mentioned already 
in the early history of Persia. See Shahnameh, i. 297, 
where Sari is coupled with Amol (see the next). The 
Arab geographers notice it among the cities of Tabaris- 
tan. Istakhri (100) writes the name Sarie ; Biruny and 
the Atwal, Saria (Sprenger, /. c.) ; Abulfeda, II. ii. 178, 
Sariyah. Thus the spelling Sa-li-ya on our map is jus- 

Eitter, "Asien," vi.a. 478, 529, identifies Sari with the 
Sauloe of Isidore of Charax (first century). 

In the history of the T'ang dynasty Sari is mentioned 
as a city of Tabaristan in the eighth century or earlier. 
We read there, at the end of the article Fo-sz (Persia), of 
a country T^o-po-sz-tan, bounded on three sides by moun- 
tains, and on the north by a little sea (the Caspian). The 
ruler of this kingdom had his residence in So-li.^^^ From 
ancient times these princes were commanders-in-chief of 
the Persian eastern army. When Persia was destroyed 
by the Ta-shi (Arabs), T'o-po-sze-tan refused to surrender. 
A prince of this country named Hu-lu-han in 746 sent an 

*" The Chinese text has Po-li ; but as the character po is very easily 
confounded with the character so, pronounced sa in ancient times, I feel 
no hesitation in reading Sa-li or Sari. 


envoy to the Chinese court. The Chinese emperor granted 
him a title. Eight years later Hu-lu-han's son, Tze-hui-lo, 
entered the Chinese service. The kingdom of T'o-po-sz'-tan 
was finally destroyed by the Black-coated Ta-shi (Arabs).^^^ 


Amol is correctly placed on the map west of Sari. It 
is still the name of a city in Mazanderan, on the river 
Harhaz, about eight English miles distant from the Cas- 
pian Sea. 

Amol is an ancient city mentioned in the Shahnameh, 
and by the early Arab geographers as the capital of Taba- 
ristan. Ibn Haukal mentions it as an important place of 
trade for silk. It was a renowned emporium in the time 
of Harun al Eashid. Dorn, in his " Caspia," 20, translates 
a passage from a history of Tabristan written in 12 16, in 
which it is said that Amol is the emporium for the mer- 
chandise brought (by sea) from Bulgar and Saksin (see 
note 720). 

In 1220 Amol was sacked by the Mongol troops under 
the command of Chebe, sent in pursuit of Mohammed 
Shah (d'Ohsson, i. 252). 


Hu-wa-rh is marked on the map south of Sari, and is 
the Khovar of the Mohammedan authors. According to 
Ritter, I. c. 118, Khovar is the Choarene of Isidore of 
Charax, the Choara of Pliny, near the Caspise portse. 
Istakhri (99) says that Khovar is a small city situated on 
a river which runs down from the Denhavend. Abulfeda 
states (II. ii. 171) that it is a city between Simnan and 
Eayi, and depending on the latter. The Mohammedan 
authors translated by d'Ohsson frequently mention Khovar 
(iii. 193, iv. 177, 678). 

«» See my pamphlet "On the Knowledge Possessed by the Ancient 
Chinese of the Arabs," &c., p. 9. 


The city of Khovar cannot be traced now-a-days, but 
the name has survived in that of a defile and a plain 
south-east of the present Teheran (which lies near the 
ruins of Eayi). This defile answers to the Portce Caspice 
of Pliny and the Fylce Caspice of Arrian. It leads through 
a southern spur of the Elburs chain, which projects into 
the plain country, separating the fertile plain of Veramin 
(situated towards Teheran) from that of Khavar or Khar. 
I can speak of this region from personal observation. 


Dilem is a name generally applied to the mountainous 
part of the Persian province of Ghilan ; but some ancient 
geographers refer this appellation to the whole of the 
present Ghilan. Thus Istakhri (97) states that Dilem 
consists of a mountainous part and a plain extending 
along the Caspian Sea. The latter part is called Ghilan. 
Mokadassi in the tenth century (see Sprenger, I. c.) in- 
cludes also Tabarestan, Gurgan, Kumess, and even Khozar 
beyond the Caspian in the general name Dailem. Abul- 
feda, II. ii. 172, distinguishes between Dilem and Ghilan, 
and applies the former name only to the mountainous 
country south of Ghilan. The traveller who crosses the 
Elburs chain on his way from Kazvin to Eesht has to pass 
through Dilem. 

In the tenth century the kings of Dilem conquered a 
great part of Persia. Their dynasty is known in history 
under the name of Dilemits or Buyids. They ruled from 
A.D. 934 to 1056. 

When the Mongols first invaded Persia, Dilem was 
in possession of the Ismaelians, who had there several 
strong castles, Alamut, Lemhasser, Meimundiz, and others. 
(d'Ohsson, iii. 157-160). When Hulagu went, in 1256, to 
attack Alamut, he passed by the way of ShaJierek, the 
ancient residence of the kings of Dilem (I. c. 197). 

Oldjaitu, khan of Persia, in 1307 was obliged to under- 


take an expedition against the people of Dilem, who 
refused to acknowledge the supremacy of the khan (I. c. 
iv. 188). 


The castle of Alamut was one of the strongest among 
the Ismaelian mountain castles in Persia in the thirteenth 
century. It was huilt in 860 hy a prince of Dilem, on an 
inaccessible rock in the Elburs Mountains. The water of 
the river Bahir had been conducted to this rock, and sur- 
rounded it partly. In 1090, Hassan, chief of the Ismael- 
ians, made himself master of this castle, which belonged 
to the Seldjuk Sultan Melik Shah, who was then reigning 
over Persia. Alamut became the residence of the Ismael- 
ian chiefs. This chief used to be called by the Crusaders 
"the Old Man of the Mountain," and thus he is also 
termed by M. Polo, i. 145. 

Alamut was taken by Hulagu, December 20, 1256. See 
d'Ohsson, iii. 199, 157. Mohammed of Nessa states that 
Kazvin is the nearest city to Alamut. The name means 
" Eagle's nest." 

Colonel Monteith, who in 1832 visited the ancient 
country of the Assassins or Ismaelians, has rediscovered 
Mount Alamut^ north-east of Kazvin ; the ruins of the 
castle are still to be seen there. The river Shah rud takes 
its rise near Mount Alamut (Eitter, I. c. 592). 


Lemhesser or Zemsher was the name of another castle of 
the Ismaelians, also situated in Dilem, and in the district 
of Eudiar,^^^ not far from Alamut, according to Quatre- 

^^ The name of the ancient district of Rudbar, frequently mentioned 
in the Persian relations of Hula^'s expedition against the Ismaelians 
(d'Ohsson, iii. 158, 197, &c.), occurs much earlier. Istakhri, 97, states 
that Rudvar is the residence of the kings of Dilem. See also Sprenger, I. c, 
map No. 6, Ghilan and Tabarestan : Eudza^a^, capital of Daylem. Rud- 


m^re ("Mongols," 143, note). But the exact position of it 
has not been ascertained. Lembesser was taken by the 
Mongols in January 1257, it seems. See d'Ohsson, iii. 
160, 164, 191, 192, 200. 

The positions of Alamut and Lembesser, as given on the 
ancient map, are not correct. 


The well-known city of Kazvin, on the great highway 
from Teheran (near ancient Bayi) to Tabriz, soUtli of the 
Elburs chain. It is said to have been founded by the 
Sassanian king, Sapor II., 310-380. (Barbier de M., I. c. 

bar is still the name of a large village, or rather several villages, in the 
Sefidrud valley, in the Elburs, on the road from Kazvin to Resht, 

The Persian historians enumerate only five of the numerous mountain 
castles of the Ismaelians in Kuhistan and in the Elburs Mountains, viz., 
Alamut, Lembesser, Meimundiz, Lai, and Ghirdlmh. The first four of these 
were in Dilem, and I understand in the district of Rudbar, w^hich, as 
d'Ohsson states (iii. 158), was " h^riss^ de chateaux." The exact site of 
Lembesser and Meimundiz has not been ascertained. The latter place, 
commanded by Rokn-eddin, the chief of the Ismaelians, himself surren- 
dered, November 9, 1256 {I. c. 193-196). Lai {I. c. 192) is still the name of a 
village in the Elburs Mountain, north-east of Rudbar (see Buhse's map of 
Northern Persia, appended to his Botanical Exploration of these regions, 

As to Ghirdkuh or Kerdch-kuh (Round Mountain), d'Ohsson is mistaken 
in noticing it repeatedly (I. c. 189, 190, 192) as a mountain castle of the 
Ismaelians in Kuhistan (south-west of Herat). Ghirdkuh was in the dis- 
trict of Kumes, three parasangs west of Dameghan, as Quatremere states 
("Mongols," 278, note) on the authority of Mohammedan authors. This 
castle opposed a strong resistance to the Mongols. When Hulagu, in 1256, 
entered Persia, the Mongol general Kitubuka had been besieging Ghird- 
kuh for two years, but in vain (d'Ohsson, I. c. 189). According toRashid 
(Quatremere, I. c), this castle surrendered only in 1270. 

Ghirdkuh is probably the Tigado in Haithon's "Account of Asiatic 
Kingdoms," 181, of which he thus speaks : "The Assassins had an impreg- 
nable castle called Tigado, which was furnished with all necessaries, and 
was so strong that it had no fear of attack on any side. Howbeit, Halcon 
(Hulagu) commanded a certain captain of his that he should take 10,000 
Tartars who had been left in garrison in Persia, and with them lay siege 
to the said castle, and not leave it till he had taken it. Wherefore the said 
Tartars continued besieging it for twenty-seven years, winter and summer, 



Kazvin was taken by the Mongols (Subutai and Chebe) 
in 1 22 1, and the inhabitants were massacred (d'Ohsson, 
i. 325). Hulagu, in 1256 and 1257, when attacking the 
castles of the Ismaelians in Dilem, had his head- quarters 
in Kazvin (I. c. iii. 200). Ghazan Khan died near Kazvin 
in 1304 (^.c. iv. 349). 

King Haithon, the traveller, terms this city Khezovin. 
M. Polo (i. 84) calls Gasvin one of the eight kingdoms of 

SA-WA = ^ANA. 

Sava, according to Yakut (Barbier de M., I. c. 298), a 
city between Eayi and Hamadan. Ibn Haukal, quoted in 
Abulfeda, 11. ii. 168, states that it lies west of Eayi, and 

■without being able to take it. At last the Assassins surrendered from 
sheer want of clothing, but not of victuals or other necessaries." 

Ghirdkuh is also mentioned by the Chinese authors ; but they record its 
capture by the Mongols, it seems, too early, or confound this castle with 
Meimundiz. Thus in the biography of the Mongol general Kuo K'an, it 
is reported that in 1 256 he arrived at the fortress Ki-du-hu, situated on the 
top of the mount Dan-han, and accessible only by suspended ladders, 
which were guarded by the most valiant troops of the Mu-nai-hi (Mulahida 
or Assassins). Kuo K'an invested the place, but it could not be taken. It 
was then battered by means of catapults, when the commandant Bu-djo- 
na-shi-rh (Khodja Nasser-eddin ; see note 356) surrendered. For further 
details see i. 134. In the narrative of Ch'ang Te, who was in Persia in 
1259, we read : " The realm of the Mu-nai-hi had 360 mountain fortresses, 
all which had been reduced. There was, however, west of Dan-han, a 
mountain fortress K'i-du-hu-gu on a very steep rock, which could not be 
reached either by arrows or by stones (thrown by catapults). The rock 
was so steep that when one looked upwards his cap fell ofif," After this 
the author gives some details regarding the capture of this fortress by the 
Mongols (see i. 133). In the annals of the Yiian shi, the siege of Ghird- 
kuh is also reported, and s. a. 1252. The name is written there quite cor- 
rectly Ghi-rh-du-k'ie. I have little doubt that in the above-quoted Chinese 
statement about K'i-du-bu-gu being situated west of Dan-han, the latter 
name denotes Dameghan. 

By the fortress of ShirdcJcuh near Damghan, mentioned in the Zafer- 
nameh, s. a. 1384 (II. chap, xlviii.), it seems Ghirdkuh is to be understood. 

The above-mentioned map, appended to Buhse's " Travels in Northern 
Persia," is the only European map showing the site of Ghirdkuh, north- 
west of Damghan. Buhse evidently visited the place, but its name does 
not appear in the text. 


south of Talakan (which was near Kazvin). Sava was 
destroyed by the Mongols in 1224 (d'Ohsson, i. 349). 

Sava is the city of Saha in Persia, from which, as M. 
Polo believes (i. 79, 82), the Three Magi set out when 
they went to worship Jesus Christ. 

The city of Sava still exists, fifty miles south-west of 
Teheran. It is described by Consul Abbot, who visited it 
in 1849. 


Kashan, north of Isfahan, is an ancient city, repeatedly 
mentioned in the early history of Persia (see Shahnameh, 
iii. 117, 141), and by all the Arab geographers. 

Kashan was for the first time plundered by the Mongols 
in 1224. D'Ohsson, i. 349, states that in the beginning of 
1224 a Mongol detachment proceeded from Khorassan to 
Bayi, plundered and destro5^ed this city, and then attacked 
Save (Sava), Kum, and Kashan, which cities suffered the 
same fate. 

Odoric calls Cassan, which he passed through in about 
1320, a royal city of great repute, the city of the Three 
Magi. But the Tartars had to a great extent destroyed it. 


All the Mohammedan geographers agree that Isfahan is 
a very ancient city. Kaikobad, the founder of the second 
Persian dynasty (Kayanides), is reported to have estab- 
lished his residence in Isfahan ; but the residence of the 
kings of Persia was subsequently transferred in turn to 
Susa, Persepolis, and Madain. When the Seldjuk dynasty 
was ruling over Iran in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, 
Isfahan again became, for a time at least, the capital. At 
the beginning of the thirteenth century Iran was con- 
quered by the Sultan of Khorazm. When the Mongols 
first invaded Iran, they did not advance as far as Isfahan ; 
nor when Hulagu subdued the whole of Persia, did this 


city share the common fate of the other cities. At least 
d'Ohsson does not mention Isfahan in connection with the 
Mongol invasion of Persia. 

In the annals of the Yiian shi, s. a. 1229, reign of 
Ogotai, it is recorded that the chief of the city of I-sz-ha- 
la-na in the Si yil (Western Asia) surrendered. The Ts'in 
cheng lu states, under the same year, that the chief of 
the city of I-sz'-ha-la-na sent an envoy with tribute to 
the Mongol court. Perhaps Isfahan is meant here. In 
d'Ohsson, ii. 92, we read (after Kashid) that the brother of 
the prince of Pars arrived at the court of Ogotai with 
valuable presents. 


Abhar is still the name of a city and a river west- 
south-west of Kazvin. Istakhri (100) places it between 
Kazvin and Zendjan, as do also Ibn Khurdadbeh and 
Abulfeda (II. ii. 166). This city is frequently mentioned 
by "the Mohammedan authors of the Mongol period 
(d'Ohsson, iii. 49; iv. 8, 566, 706, 734). D'Ohsson spells 
the name Ehher. 

It seems that in the days of the Mongols the great high- 
way from Eayi (near present Teheran) to Tabriz passed 
through Abhar. The stations west of Dameghan in 
Haithon's itinerary when returning from Mongolia are : 
Hre'i, Khezovin, AvaJchr (Abhar). As I know from per- 
sonal observation, Abhar lies a little south of the present 
post-road between Kazvin and Zendjan (resp. Teheran- 
,Tabriz), which passes directly from Kazvin to Sain kala.^^^ 


SuUaniah was the name given to the city founded 
1305 in Media, between Kazvin and Zendjan, by 

^^ Chardin, who proceeded from Tabriz vid Kazvin to Isfahan about 
55 years ago, passed by the ancient road from Sultanieh to Sancala, and 

then through the little town of Ebher to Kazvin (Chardin, *'Voy. en 

Perso," ii. 383). 



Oldjaitu, the great-grandson of Hulagu. For further de- 
tails see d'Ohsson, iv. 485. Oldjaitu established his resi- 
dence here, and his successor, Abu Said, resided also in 
Sultaniah. Thus at the time our mediaeval map was com- 
piled, Sultaniah was the royal residence. Abu Said, who 
died in 1335, was buried in the mausoleum which he had 
ordered to be built in his lifetime at Sultaniah (I. c. 720). 

Odoric, who saw Sultaniah about 1320, says (Yule's 
" Cathay," 49) : " Departing from the city of Tauris, I 
travelled for ten days, and reached a certain city called 
Soldania, in which dwelleth the emperor of the Persians 
in the summer season." 

On the Catalan map the same city is termed Sodania. It 
was the See of an Archbishop about 1330 ("Cathay," 238). 

Compare also Abulfeda, II. ii. 157, and Barbier de M., 
I c. 315. 

Sultaniah was destroyed by Timur at the end of the 
fourteenth century. He left only the magnificent mosque, 
which is still admired by travellers who pass by the great 
caravan and post-road from Teheran to Tabriz. Chardin 
states (ii. 378) that the father of Shah Abas the Great, 
who resided at Sultaniah, was buried near this mosque. 
As is known. Shah Abas transferred the royal residence 
from Sultaniah to Isfahan. 

The position assigned to Sultaniah on the ancient map 
in relation to Kazvin and Abhar is not correct. 


Zendjan or Zandjan is mentioned by the early Arab 
geographers as a city of Djebal, near the boundary of 
Azarbaidjan. Istakhri, 100 ; Sprenger, I. c. map No. 7 ; 
Abulfeda, II. ii. 165. Zendjan is often mentioned by 
the Mohammedan historians relating the Mongol in- 
vasions. Subutai sacked the city in 122 1. It was near 
Zendjan that Abu Said in 13 19 defeated the troops of a 
mutinous general (d'Ohsson, i. 325 ; iv. 635, 640). 

The city still exists, north-west of Sultaniah. 




Derbend is a very common name in Persian geography. 
The word means, according to d'Herbelot, " passage etroit 
et ferme." By Du-rh-ben on our ancient map, a place 
located in the north-western part of Persia, only Derlend 
on the western shore of the Caspian Sea can be meant, 
a very important strategic point in the Middle Ages, and 
long before that period. 

The Arab geographers call Derbend Bdb-ul-abvdb, mean- 
ing "the gate of gates." The Turks call it Demir hapi 
(Iron gate). 

Mas'udi, ii. 2, 3, in speaking of the Kabkh Mountains 
(Caucasus), states that the Persian king Khosru Anu- 
shirvan (531-579) built a city called Bab-ul-abvah on a 
point between the mountains and the Sea of the Khazars 
(Caspian). The same king erected also the celebrated 
wall, which on the one side projects (at Bab-ul-abvab) into 
the sea for about a mile, whilst on the other side it extends 
for forty parasangs over the steepest summits and deepest 
gorges of the mountains to a fortified place called Taba- 
restan. The wall has from three to three miles an iron 
gate. Troops were posted there to defend the passages 
and protect Persia against the tribes settled in the vicinity 
of the Kabkh Mountains, as the Khazars, the Alans, the 
Turks, &c. Compare also note 846, and Klaproth's transla- 
tion of the Derbend Nameh or History of Derbend, written in 
the sixteenth century ("Nouv. Journ. Asiat.," iii. 439 seq.). 
There is also another Eastern tradition, to which M. 
Polo alludes, according to which the wall in question was 
built by Alexander the Great, and therefore the Persians 
_call it also Sadd UsJcanderi (d'Herbelot, " Bibl. Or."). 
In an Armenian geography, erroneously attributed to 
'oses of Chorene (who wrote a little after 440), mention 
is made of the wall of Derbend. Professor Patkanoff has 
proved that this ancient treatise was written in the seventh 


About the end of the seventh century Derbend was 
taken by the Arabs. This place sustained an important 
role during the Middle Ages, and is frequently spoken 
of by the Mohammedan writers who relate the Mongol 
invasion of Western Asia and the wars of the Persian 
khans with the khans of Kipchak. 

Subutai, who in 1222 first carried the Mongol arms 
north of the Caucasus, passed through Derbend, which 
then belonged to the little kingdom of Shirvan. He was 
not able to take the citadel, where Kashid Shirvan Shah 
had shut himself up (d'Ohsson, i. 336). 

In 1262 Barkai, khan of Kipchak, sent a host of 30,000 
men under the command of Noojai against Hulaofu. 
Nogai passed through Derbend into the province of 
Shirvan. He was at first successful, but was afterwards 
forced to retire ; Hulagu then proceeded through Derbend 
in pursuit of him. Some time after, Hulagu's son Abaka 
was defeated by Barkai and pursued as far as Derbend 
(d'Ohsson, iii. 379). This war is also recorded by M. 
Polo, ii. 495. In 1266 there was another battle fought 
between Barkai and Abaka near Derbend, in which the 
former was vanquished (d'Ohsson, iv. 180). 

In 1 3 18 Uzbeg, Khan of Kipchak, invaded the do- 
minions of Abu Said and attacked Derbend {ihid. 6 1 3). 
In 1325 Choban, one of Abu Said's generals, passed 
through Derbend, and advanced as far as the river Terek 
{ibid. 666). Under the year 1334 another invasion by 
Uzbeg through Derbend is recorded (ibid. 716). 

The first European traveller who mentions Derbend is 
the Eabbi Benjamin of Tudela, in 1170. He terms it the 
Iron Gate of Alexander. 

Eubruck in 1255 writes (252): "Post hos (Lesgos) est 
Porta ferrca quam fecit Alexander ad excludendos bar- 
baros gentes de Perside." Farther on Eubruck relates 
his passing through the Porta ferrea on his way back. 
On p. 263 we read : " Est alius qui dicitur Jerra (Berca) 
frater Baatu qui pascit versus Portam ferream, ubi est 


iter Sarracenorum omnium venientium de Perside et de 

Haithon the traveller calls Derhend by its Persian name 
(see Part I.). Marco Polo notices the Iron Gate, of which 
the book of Alexander speaks (i. 52). 

The ancient Russian annals of the thirteenth century- 
speak of the Jeleznya vorota (Iron Gates), by which the 
high mountains of the Yasy (Asi, Alans) and Cherkess 
might be avoided (Karamzin, iv. 355). 

In the days of Timur, Derbend still retained its strate- 
gical importance. In 1387 Timur, when encamped on the 
Araxes, sent his troops against the Kipchaks, who had 
passed Derbend. In 1395 the conqueror, at the head of 
his army, passed Derbend from Shirvan, defeated the 
Kipchaks, and then invaded Russia (Zafernameh, ii. 56, 
iil 51). 

Although Edrisi, ii. 329, enumerates twelve defiles by 
which the Caucasus could be crossed, it seems never- 
theless that in ancient times the only practicable road 
leading from Persia to the regions north of the Caucasus 
passed by Derbend. As is known, a splendid artificial 
road, crossing the middle of the Caucasian range near 
Mount Kazbek, since the year 1800 connects Russia with 
the Transcaucasian provinces. Derbend, which since the 
year 1806 has belonged to Russia, is now one of the finest 
cities of those regions, situated very picturesquely with 
its old walls on the slope of the eastern termination of 
the Caucasus and on the Caspian Sea. A good view of 
Derbend is given in Yule's " Marco Polo," i. 57. Yule 
complains that he was not able to find any modern infor- 
mation regarding the famous Caucasian wall which begins 
at Derbend. I may therefore observe that interesting 
details on the subject are found in Legkobytov's " Survey 
of the Russian Dominions beyond the Caucasus " (in Rus- 
sian), 1836, vol. iv. p. 1 58-161, and in Dubois de Mont- 
pereux's "Voyage autour du Caucase," 1840, vol. iv. p. 
291-298, from which I shall give here an abstract : — 


The city of Derbend is situated on tlie slope of the 
mountains which descend towards the sea-shore. It is 
bounded on three sides by walls, of which the northern and 
the southern are about three versts in length. These walls 
project into the sea ; and to the south-west they ascend 
a steep rock more than a thousand feet high, and join the 
citadel called Naryn kale. (This is evidently the same 
citadel which the Mongols were unable to take ; v. sicpra.) 

The famous Dagh hary (mountain wall) now begins at 
the village of Djelgan, four versts south-west of Derbend, 
but we know that as late as the beginning of the last cen- 
tury it could be traced down to the southern gate of the 
city. This ancient wall then stretches westward to the 
high mountains of Tahasseran (it seems the Tabarestan of 
Mas'udi). About the commencement it is in a demolished 
state, but farther on among the wooded mountains it is well 
preserved. The outer stones of the wall are well hewn, 
3 J feet square, and nearly a foot thick. The middle of the 
wall consists of smaller stones, which, though not hewn, are 
closely fitted in. At some places the wall measures more 
than 20 feet in height (originally it was obviously higher), 
the thickness being not less than seven feet. Trees of 
remarkable size have grown upon the wall, and frequently 
these have caused it to fall to pieces. At distances of 
from a thousand to fourteen hundred feet it is provided 
with towers and bastions. Thirty-six versts from Derbend, 
at the village of Lidjili, a well-preserved ancient gate in 
the wall can be seen. Farther westward an ancient fort 
connected with the wall is known under the name of Ke- 
djeli kala. It is 28 feet high, 84 feet long, and 24 broad. 
This western section of the Caucasian wall stretches with 
some interruptions to Maglial Kushandaga, in the district 
of Kazikumyk, about eighty versts from Derbend. It is 
an error to believe that there existed a continuous wall 
running over the Caucasus chain from the Caspian to the 
Black Sea. As the Caucasus itself represents to a great 
extent an insurmountable barrier, it was only required to 



shut up the entrances of the defiles leading over the 
mountains in order to prevent invasions from the north. 
Thus many remains of that ancient wall are found in the 
upper valleys of the northern slope of the Caucasus range, 
and especially in its middle part, in the vicinity of Mount 
Kazbek. Dubois de Montpereux enumerates the follow- 
ing sites of remains of the wall : — 

In the famous defile of Dariel, north-east of the Kazbek 
(see note 846). 

In the valley of the Assai river, near Wapila, about 35 
versts north-east of Dariel. 

In the valley of the Kizil river, about 1 5 versts north- 
west of the Kazbek. 

Farther west, in the valley of the Fiag or Pog river, be- 
tween Lacz and Khilak. 

From this place farther west about 25 versts, in the 
valley of the Arredon river, in the district of Valaghir. 

Finally, the westernmost section of the Caucasian wall 
has been preserved, which was evidently intended to shut 
up the maritime defile of Gagry on the Black Sea. 


Bardaa, an ancient city, founded, according to Yakut, 
by King Kobad of Persia (491-531). See Barbier de M., 
91. It is mentioned by all the ancient Arab and Persian 
geographers as the capital of the kingdom of Arran, 
by which name the Mohammedan authors designate the 
country between the rivers Kur and Araxes. The Arme- 
nian authors call the same Aghovania. Bardaa in the 
Middle Ages was a large and rich city. Masudi, ii. 75, 
states that the river Kur passes at a distance of three miles 
from Bardaa. 

Bardaa is of special interest in the early history of 
Russia. The Armenian and Mohammedan authors agree 
in recording that in a.d. 944 the Russians captured and 
plundered Bardaa (Dorn's " Caspia," 285-304). 

Moses Caghancatovatsi, who lived about the middle or 


towards the end of the tenth century, and whose birth- 
place was not very far from Berdaa, reports that in the 
said year a northern people called Ruzik sailed through 
the Caspian Sea, and arrived unexpectedly at Partav, the 
capital of Aghovania,^^^ captured and plundered the city, 
and killed the inhabitants. After six months they left 
the ruined city (Dorn, I. c. 285, 286). 

Ibn el Athir (+ 1233) records (he draws evidently from 
an earlier author) under the same year the same preda- 
tory expedition of the Kussians, who from the Caspian 
Sea sailed up the river Kur, and captured and plundered 
Bardaa (I. c. 296). 

It seems d'Ohsson mentions Bardaa only once, iii. 178. 
A vizier of Sultan Djelal-eddin sojourned there in 1228. 

Bardaa was a metropolitan see of the N'estorian Church 
in the fourteenth century (Yule's " Cathay," cclv.). 

Bardaa is frequently mentioned by the historians of 
Timur. In 1400 the conqueror encamped ten days in the 
plain of Bardaa, which at that time was the capital of the 
Kardbagh^^ (Zafernameh, v. 8). Dorn states (/. c. 263) 
that ISTadir Shah of Persia (1735-47) destroyed Bardaa. 

Dorn {I. c. 45) in 186 1 visited the ruins of Bardaa. He 
gives an illustration of a remarkable tower there. These 
ruins are situated on the right bank of the river Terter, a 
southern affluent of the Kur, near the village of Bardeh, 
which is on the left bank, south-east of Elisabethopol. 


By She-li-wang the compiler of the ancient map ap- 
parently means Shirvan, in the eastern part of Trans- 

^®2 It seems Albania is intended. The same name, Aghovania, occurs in 
Haithon's itinerary (see note 457), and is applied there to Shirvan, the 
country situated between the Kur river and the Caspian Sea, the Albania 
of Ptolemy and Strabo, which Rubruck also designates by the name Alba- 
nia. It does not seem, however, that ancient (Caucasian) Albania included 
also the land between the Kur and the Araxes. 

®^3 Now-a-days the city of Shusha is the capital of the Karabagh, as 
the country between the Kur and Araxes is called. 



caucasia (see note 862) ; but he is mistaken in locating 
it too far south. 

Mas'udi states (ii. 4) that after Anushirvan (531-579) 
had founded Babel-abwab (Derbend) he countenanced 
several (small) kingdoms in the region of the Caucasus. 
Among these there was the kingdom of Shirvan, the ruler 
of which took the title Shirvan Shah. Shirvan was con- 
quered by the Arabs in the reign of the Calif Vathek 
(842-847). Subsequently it belonged to the Buyids (v. 
supra, p. 108). 

At the time of the first Mongol invasion of Western 
Asia, Shirvan seems to have been ruled by an independent 
prince, Eashid Shirvan Shah. The country was ravaged 
by the Mongols in 1221 or 1222, and its capital Shema- 
kha burnt. Eashid had fled and shut himself up in the 
citadel of Derbend (d'Ohsson, i. 336). 

In the Yiian shi (chap, cxx.), biography of Ho-sze-mai-li, 
Shi-rh-wan-sha is mentioned in connection with Subutai's 
and Chebe's expedition to the region of the Caucasus. 

Shirvan is still the name of a district in Transcaucasia, 
having for its capital Shemakha. 


The Si pei ti writes the name Sa-li-mang, whilst the map 
has Sa-li-shi. If the former be the correct reading, the 
name Soleiman may be intended. 

On modern maps we find a city Soleimania midway 
between Tabriz and Bagdad ; but this place is out of the 
question, being founded in 1788 (Eitter, " Asien," vi.&. 

I am inclined to identify So-li-mang with Takht i Solei- 
lan. The ruins of this city are considered by Sir H. 
Eawlinson to be identical with Ganzaka, the ancient 
capital of Azerbaidjan (Eitter, I. c. 1040 seq.). They are 
situated west of Zendjan, in the mountains where the 
river Chagatu, a southern affluent of the Urumia lake, 


partly takes its rise. (On our ancient map Sa-li-mang or 
Sa-li-shi is located north of Zendjan.) 

Kashid reports that Hulagu died in 1265 on the river 
ChogatUy where he was accustomed to stay in winter 
(d'Ohsson, iii. 406). Hulagu's successor, Abaka, according 
to the same author, had his ordu on the same river (l. c. 
455). Ritter states, on the authority of Eawlinson, it 
seems, that Abaka had a palace at Takhti Soleiman, the 
ruins of which are still to be seen. 


Mosul, the celebrated city of Mesopotamia, situated on 
the Tigris, is first mentioned by the Arab chroniclers in 
connection with the first conquest of the Arabs (Eitter, 
I. c. vii.6. iy6). 

When Hulagu invaded Western Asia, Mosul was a small 
principality ruled over by Bedr-eddin Lulu, who went in 
person to Meraga in 1258 to offer his submission to the 
Mongol prince (d'Ohsson, iii. 258). Thus Mosul at first 
escaped destruction by the Mongols, but after Bedr-eddin's 
death the inhabitants revolted. The Mongols besieged the 
city for nine months, and after its capture in 1 262 utterly 
destroyed it (l. c. 372). 

Mosul was a metropolitan see of the Nestorian Church 
in the Middle Ages (Yule's " Cathay," ccxliv.). 

M. Polo devotes a chapter of his book to the kingdom 
oi 3fausul {i. 61). He states among other things: "All 
the cloths of gold and silk that are called Mosolins are 
made in this country." It would seem from this state- 
ment that mosolin or muslin had a very different meaning 
from what it has now. I may, however, observe that in 
the narrative of Chang Ch*un's travels to the west in 
1 22 1, it is stated that in Samarkand the men of the 
lower classes and the priests wrap their heads about with 
a piece of white mo-sze (see i. 89). There can be no 
doubt that mo-sze here denotes " muslin," and the Chinese 


author seeing to Tinderstand by this term the same mate- 
rial which we are now used to call muslin. 

Marignolli speaks of Monsol (probably a clerical error 
for Mousol) on the Tygris, a city built out of the ruins of 
Nynive ("Cathay," 351). 


U-k*i-ba-la, placed on the ancient map south-east of 
Mosul, is without doubt the city of Ohlara mentioned by 
the early Arab geographers on the eastern bank of the 
Tigris above Bagdad, distant ten 'parasangs from the latter 
place (Istakhri, 54; Edrisi, ii. 146; Abulfeda, 11. ii. 74, 
75 ; Sprenger, /. c. map ^N'o. 9). 

Benjamin of Tudela (twelfth century) reached Bagdad 
from Okbara in two days (Ritter, I. c. Yii.a. 256). 

It does not seem that Okbara exists now-a-days. 


This name has been omitted from the ancient map, but 
is found in the list of the Si pei ti. 

As is known, Bagdad was founded by Almansur, the 
second of the Abbaside Califs, A.D. 764, who before that 
time resided in Anbar.^^ Originally a city was built on 
the western bank of the Tigris ; but, some years later, it 
was found more convenient to lay out one on the opposite 
bank ; and this then became the celebrated city of Bagdad, 
where the Calif established his residence. The western 
city was afterwards considered only a suburb and called 
Karshi^^^ (d'Ohsson, iii. 248). 

The capture of Bagdad by Hulagu in 1258 has been 
related in i. 119. Subsequently the Mongol khans of 

^^ Yakut, quoted by Abulfeda, II. ii, 74, states that the first of the 
Abbaside Califs resided at Aribar, a city distant ten parasangs west from 
Bagdad, on the Euphrates river. 

865 This suburb still exists under about the same name on the western 
bank of the Tigris, opposite Bagdad. See Cernik, ** Gebiete des Euphrat. 
und Tigris," Peterm. " Geogr. Mitth.," Erg.h. 44, p. 28 ; and map of Bag- 
dad, where this suburb is termed KarshiaTca. 


Persia were accustomed to pass the winter in Bagdad 
(Ghazan, Oldjaitu; see d'Ohsson, iv. 172, ii. 535). 

PI. Carpini terms Bagdad Baldach (681, 709). The same 
spelling of the name occurs in Haithon's " Accounts of 
Asiatic Kingdoms," 147, where Baldach is stated to be 
the greatest city of the kingdom of Chaldsea. Bagdad in 
the Middle Ages was a metropolitan see of the Nestorian 
Church (" Cathay," ccxliv.). 

M. Polo devotes several chapters to the Great City of 
Baudas (as he writes the name of Bagdad), the last Calif, 
and the end of his supremacy (i. 64 seq.). 

The Chinese mediaeval traveller Chang Te applies nearly 
the same name as M. Polo to Bagdad in styling it Bao-da. 
He also gives many details about the Calif and the capture 
of Bagdad by the Mongols (see i. 138). Ch'ang Te states, 
in accordance with the Mohammedan authors, that ancient 
Bagdad (as now-a-days) consisted of an eastern and a 
western city, a large river running between them. The 
western city had no wall, whilst the eastern one was well 

In the Yuan ch*ao pi shi the name of Bagdad appears 
repeatedly. It is spelt there Bakhtat^ and the Calif is 
termed Khalibo. In the unabbreviated text of this work 
a list is given of articles, animals, &c., sent from Bagdad 
to Ogotai khan. I proceed to give the names of these 
articles, and venture an identification of some of them. 
The Chinese translation of the Yiian cli ao pi shi (made 
in the fourteenth century) furnishes some explanations 
of these names, which, for the greater part, seem to be 
Turkish, Persian, or Arabic words. I add a translation of 
the Chinese explanations in parenthesis : — 

Shiramala (?). 

Nakhut (a kind of gold brocate). 

Nachidut (a silk stuff interwoven with gold). 

Dardas (a stuff embroidered in gold). 

Suhut (pearls). 

Tanas (great pearls). 



Tohichaut (horses from Bageda with long legs and long necks). 
Gurin eleut (camels). 
Dao-u-si (?), 
Kichidut (camels). 
Khachidut (mules). 

With respect to naJcMit and nachidut, I may observe 
that these words represent the Mongol plural form of 
naJch and nachid; and the latter apparently represent the 
stuffs nacchi and nachetti spoken of by Pegolotti in his 
notice of the trade at Constantinople (" Cathay," 306). 
The stuff nakh is named several times by Ibn Batuta, 
and explained by him as cloths of silk and gold. Eubruck 
tells us (317) that Mangu khan made him a present of 
nasic. M. Polo (i. 65) speaks of gold brocades, such as 
nasicJi and nac, woven in Baudas. I may finally mention 
that in the Yuan shi, chap. Ixxviii. (on official dresses), a 
stuff, na-sJii-shi, is repeatedly named, and the term is 
explained there by kin kin (gold brocate). 

In the same chap, of the Ylian shi we also meet with 
the term su-lu-du (evidently the same as subut in the 
above list). It is explained as pearls. Subut even now 
is the Mongol name for pearl. 

In the same chapter we find also the term fa-na, ex- 
plained by tung cJiu (Eastern pearl). Now-a-days tung 
chu is the name applied in Peking to the finest and 
largest kind of pearls ; but tana in modern Mongol means 

As to the horses from Bagdad called tohichaut, they are 
also spoken of by the Chinese traveller Ch'ang Te, who 
applies to them the same name. See i. 140 ; see also 
note 381. Topchaq in the Turkish Chagatai dialect is a 
long-necked Turkman horse. 

K^u-fa also is not marked on the ancient map, but this 
name appears in the list of the Si pei ti. 

The city of Kufah was founded in 638, in the reign of 


Calif Omar (Mas'udi, iv. 225). The Calif of Abul Abbas 
(750-754) established his residence there, but subsequently 
transferred it to Anlar. In the first period of Islam, 
Kufah was a much celebrated city and a centre of Mo- 
hammedan learning. Benjamin of Tudela visited Kufah 
in the twelfth century (Eitter, /. c. vii.a. 266). 

According to the authors quoted by Abulfeda (II. ii. 
73), Kufah was situated on a branch of the Euphrates. 
Cernik, I. c, on his map places Kufah indeed on a western 
branch of that river, which runs through the lake Bahri 
Nedshef, in lat. 32°. 

The Mohammedan historians record the capture of 
Kufah by the Mongols in 1258 (d'Ohsson, iii. 255). 


This name, coupled in the Si pei ti with Kufah, is not 
found on the ancient map, but evidently Vasit is meant, 
founded, according to Yakut, in A.D. 703, between Kufah 
and Basrah (Abulfeda, II. ii. 80). As it was situated not 
only midway between Kufah and Basrah, but also between 
the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, it received the above 
name, meaning " the middle " in Arabic (d'Herbelot, " Bibl. 
Or."). It seems that Vasit still exists, for it is marked on 
Cernik's map. 

Kirmanshahan, or, as it is now-a-days generally called, 
Kirmamliah, a city of Western Persia, was founded, 
according to Mirkhond, by the Sassanian king Bahram 
(Varanes, iv. 388-399), who, on account of his having 
been governor of Kirman in the lifetime of his father 
Shapur (Sapor II.), had the surname Kirman Shah. The 
new city became the residence of Bahram. Nushirvan 
(539-72) and Khosru Parvez (590-628) also held their 
courts in Kirmanshah (Ritter, " Asien," vi.&. 374). But 
according to another author quoted by Yakut (Barbier de 
M., 438), Kirmanshahan was founded by Kobad (491-531). 


Yakut informs us also that the Arabic name of the city is 
Karmisin. Eashid mentions Kermanshahan only once 
(d'Ohsson, iv. 313). 


Nahavand is placed on Cernik's map south of Hamadan 
and east of Kirmanshah. It is an ancient city. Some 
Mohammedan geographers assert that it was founded by 
Noah, whence the name (Abulfeda, II. ii. 165). 

This place is of historic celebrity ; for it was at Naha- 
vand that, in 642, the famous battle was fought in which 
the army of Yezdejerd III., the last king of the Sassanian 
dynasty, was defeated by the Arabs. 


Lor, Lur, or Luristan is still the name of the moun- 
tainous country between Kuzistan and Irak Adjem. 
When the Mongols invaded Western Asia, Lur was 
divided into two principalities, known as Great and Little 
Lur, ruled by Atabegs (d'Ohsson, iii. 261, iv. 171). This 
distinction still exists. 

M. Polo, i. 84, terms one of his kingdoms of Persia Lor. 


The position assigned to She-la-tsz' on the ancient map, 
between Shiraz and Kazerun, seems to point to Shulistan. 
The latter name is applied to the Slmls, a people who long 
occupied a part of Luristan, but were expelled by the 
Lurs in the twelfth century, and then settled in the country 
between Shiraz and Kuzistan, west of Shiraz. 

Eashid mentions the Shuls once, in stating that in 
1262 Salih, prince of Mosul, besieged by the Mongols, 
distributed money to the Turkmans, Kurds, and Shuls 
who were in Mosul (d'Ohsson, iii. 372). The Mesalek 
alabsar (first half of the fourteenth century) speaks of the 
Shuls, See Quatremere, "Hist, des Mongols," 381-384. 


M. Polo, i. 84, names Suolstan or Cielstan (Shelstan) as 
one of the eight kingdoms of Persia. Ibn Batuta, going 
from Shiraz to Kazerun, encamped the first day in the 
country of the Shuls. 


The history of Shiraz, the capital of Pars or Persia 
proper, does not begin earlier, it seems, than Islam, for 
the ancient capital of Pars was Istahhr (Persepolis). Ibn 
Hankal, quoted by Abulfeda, 11. ii. 97, calls Shiraz a 
new city founded by the Mussulmans. I may, however, 
observe that the name of Shiraz is met with in the early 
history of Persia (Shahnameh, iv. 191). 

At the time of the rise of the Mongol power, the dynasty 
of the Salghar Atabegs, who were descended from Salghar, 
a governor of Pars, reigned in Pars. Salghar's grandson, 
Sankor, had profited by the weakness of the Seldjuks, and 
in 1 148 made himself independent. His successors reigned 
with the title of Atabeg in Pars ; their residence was in 
Shiraz. When the Mongols for the first time ravaged 
Western Asia, they did not reach Shiraz; and Atabeg 
Abubekr (1231-60), who was anxious to be on good 
terms with the Great Khan, sent his brother with rich 
presents to Ogotai khan, and received the title Kutlug 
khan (d'Ohsson, ii. 92). When Hulagu passed the Djihun 
in 1256, Abubekr sent his nephew to compliment the 
Mongol prince {ibid. iii. 140). Thus Shiraz was spared 
by the Mongols until 1262, when Hulagu sent troops to 
this city to punish Abubekr's successor, Seldjuk Shah, 
who was guilty of several acts of violence. After a stout 
resistance the latter was made prisoner in Kazerun and 
executed. Prom that time a Salgharian princess, married 
to a son of Hulagu, had the mere title of Atabeg of Pars ; 
for this province was under Mongol administration {ibid. 
400 seq.). 

M. Polo, i. 84, speaks of the Persian kingdom of Serazy. 

In the narrative of travel of Chang Te, and in the 



biography of Kuo K'an, Shiraz is termed Shi-lo-tsz, and 
the title of Atabeg of the princes of Pars is rendered 
there by a-fa-iei (see i. 145, 146). 


Kazerun is still the name of a city in Fars, west of 
Shiraz. This name occurs in the early history of Persia 
(Barbier de M., 472). In the history of the Mongol 
khans in Persia, Kazerun is twice mentioned. In 1264 
Seldjuk Shah of Tars was made prisoner by the Mon- 
gols in Kazerun and executed there (d'Ohsson, iii. 401). 
Ibid. iv. 207, it is reported that Kutlug Khodja, a Mongol 
prince of the Chagatai branch, ravaged Fars in 1300, and 
proceeded through Shiraz and Kazerun to Kuzistan and 

Kish, Kis, or Kais is an island in the Persian Gulf, on 
which for a long time one of the chief ports of trade with 
India and the East was situated. Kish is not mentioned 
by the early Arab geographers, for in the ninth and the 
first half of the tenth century Siraf was the head- 
quarters of Indian and Chinese trade in the Persian Gulf. 
Kazvini (fourteenth century) and Hafiz Abru (fifteenth 
century) attribute the decline of Siraf to the rise of Kish 
as a seaport since the second half of the tenth century 
(Ouseley's " Travels in Southern Persia," quoted in Eitter, 
"Asien," m.a. 77A--77S)' 

M. Polo (i. 64, 85 ; ii. 324, 357) mentions this port 
repeatedly, but he seems to speak without personal know- 
ledge ; for according to him, Kisi or Kis is a city on the 
shore of the Indian Sea, situated where the merchants 
coming from Baudas enter that sea. Ibn Batuta, ii. 243, 
mentions the city of Kais, called also Siraf. But he also 
is mistaken. None of the other Persian or Arab mediaeval 
geographers identifies Siraf with Kais or Kish. Yakut as 



well as Abulfeda notice Kish (called Xis in Arabic) as an 
island and seaport between Pars and Oman, and speak 
separately of Siraf, a city and port of Fars (Barbier, L c. 
499, 331 ; Abulfeda, II. ii. 129, 96). 

Kish or Kais, Kis, is not to be confounded with the 
large island of Kishm, near the mouth of the Persian Gulf. 
Kish, or, as it is named on our maps, Geise or Kena, is 
a small island about 100 miles farther up west. It is 
wooded and well supplied with fresh water. The ruins of 
a city exist on the north side (Yule's " M. Polo," i. 66, note). 
According to Ouseley, quoted in Ritter, Siraf lay opposite 
this island, on the northern shore of the Persian Gulf. 


Ba-Tia-la-yin is the most southern place or country in 
Abu Said's empire or Persia marked on our ancient map. 
There can be no doubt that by Baharain is meant in ancient 
times the name of a province in Eastern Arabia, stretching 
along the western shore of the Persian Gulf, and the same 
as El Hasa on modern maps (Istakhri, 9 ; Abulfeda, ii. 
137). According to Ibn Batuta (ii. 24s), Bahrein was the 
name of a city, on the mainland it seems, between which 
and Siraf was a gulf with calm water famed for pearl- 
fishing. Now-a-days the name Bahrein is applied to a 
great island situated in the bay of the same name near 
the western shore of the Persian Gulf. The bay of Baha- 
rein is still well known for its pearl-oyster beds (Colonel D. 
Wilson, " Pearl-Fisheries in the Persian Gulf," J. Pt. Geogr. 
Soc, iii. 1834, 283-286; Brenner's " Eeport on Pearl- 
Fishing in the Bay of Baharein," Peterm. " Geogr. Mitth.," 
1873, 37). Compare also a Chinese mediaeval account of 
pearl-fishing in the Persian Gulf in vol. i. 145, 146. 


This name is found only in the list of the Si pei ti, not 
on the ancient map. No doubt by Hormuz is meant the 


HORMUZ. 131 

celebrated emporium at the entrance of the Persian 

The name of this place seems to be of very ancient 
origin, for Arrian tells us that Nearchus, the admiral of 
Alexander the Great, when returning from India, beached 
his fleet on the shore of Harmozeia. A place Armuza 
appears in Ptolemy. But it was only in the tenth or 
eleventh century that Hormuz acquired its importance as 
a seaport of Indian trade. It had been preceded by Kish 
as the principal port in the Persian Gulf (eleventh to thir- 
teenth century) ; and, as we have seen, before Kish, in the 
ninth and tenth century /S'ira/ occupied the most prominent 
place among the Persian seaports. 

The port of Hormuz, which before the Mongol period 
belonged to the Salghar Atabegs of Pars, originally stood 
upon the mainland. M. Polo, who visited this place 
twice, terming it generally Hormos (once also Curmosa), 
states expressly that it was a seaport upon the mainland 
(i. no). The great traveller, when leaving China in 
1 292, returned by the sea-route. He was entrusted with 
the important mission of accompanying a Mongol princess 
from China to the court of the Persian khan, and they 
landed at Hormuz (ii. 450). 

The Ormes visited by Odoric in about 1320 was on an 
island some five miles distant from the mainland ('' Cathay," 
56). A few years later Ibn P>atuta saw this place. He 
speaks (ii. 230) of the city of Hormus, situated on the sea- 
shore, whence he proceeded to New Hormuz or Djcraun^ 
situated on an island opposite the old city. 

Abulfeda, II. ii. 104, relates: "Hormuz is the port of 
Kerman, a city rich in palms and very hot. One who 
lias visited it in our day tells me that the ancient Hormuz 
was devastated by the incursions of the Tartars, and that 
its people transferred their abode to an island in the sea 
called Zarun" 

When the Portuguese made their first appearance in the 
Persian Gulf, in the beginning of the sixteenth century, 


Hormuz ^^ was a rich entrepot of Indian trade. It was 
taken in 1509 by Albuquerque, and in the sixteenth 
century flourished as one of the richest ports of the East. 
But in 1622 the Portuguese were expelled from the island 
by the united English and Persian forces. Shah Abbas 
destroyed the city of Hormuz and built another seaport 
on the opposite shore of the Persian Gulf, which was 
named Bender Abhasi. 

We learn from M. Polo that in the time of Kubilai 
khan Chinese vessels visited Hormuz. The Yiian shi 
mentions several seaports of the Indian Ocean as carry- 
ing on trade with China ; Hormuz is not spoken of there. 
I may, however, quote from the Yuan History a curious 
statement which perhaps refers to this port. ' In chap, 
cxxiii., biography of Arsz-lan, it is recorded that his grand- 
son Hurdutai, by order of Kubilai khan, accompanied Bu-lo 
no- yen on his mission to the country of Ha-rh-ma-sz (see 
note 850). This latter name may be intended for Hormuz. 
I do not think that by the Noyen Bido M. Polo could be 
meant, for the title noyen would hardly have been applied 
to him. But Eashid-eddin mentions a distinguished Mon- 
gol, by name Fulad, with whom he was acquainted in 
Persia, and who furnished him much information regard- 
ing the history of the Mongols. This may be the Bu-lo 
no-yen of the Hiian History. 

I finally proceed to translate some details regarding 
Hormuz in the fifteenth century, found in the History of 
the Ming dynasty, chap, cccxxvi. This account reads as 
follows : — 

Ku-lu-mu-sz' is a great kingdom,^^ situated on the 
Western Sea north-west of Ku-li (probably Kalikut), from 
which place it can be reached in twenty-five days. In 

^^ De Barros, in his ** Asia," middle of the sixteenth century (German 
translation by Soltau, 1821, ii. 31), states that Ormuz is situated on a 
small island called Djerung, three miles distant from the Persian coast. 

"^^ De Barros {I. c. 32) states that the kingdom of which Ormuz is the 
capital ilea on both shores of the gulf, in Arabia and in Persia. 

HORMUZ, 133 

the year 141 2, the emperor Yung le sent Cheng Ho to the 
countries of the Western Sea.^^^ Gifts were bestowed upon 
the ruler of Hu-lu-mu-sz', his wives and ministers. Sub- 
sequently he sent an envoy, by name I-dsi-ding, to the 
Chinese court. He brought a letter written on gold 
paper and presented horses and products of his country 
as tribute. After this the embassies from Hu-lu-mu-sze 
were four times repeated, and Cheng Ho was sent thither 
for a second time in 1430. The kingdom was then ruled 
by Sai'fu-ding .^^^ Three years later an embassy sent by 
this prince reached Peking and presented tribute, which 
was courteously received by the emperor. 

The country of Hu-lu-mu-sz' is situated on the utmost 
border of the Western Sea. The trading vessels of the 
southern barbarians come thither, and the nations of the 
Great Western Sea, as well as the merchants of the Si 
yil (Western Asia) meet there for commercial purposes ; 
wherefore this country is very rich. Snow is unknown 
there, but hoar-frost occurs ; it seldom rains, and the soil 
is sterile, so that corn has to be brought from abroad. 
The people are wealthy. The women, when they go out 
of doors, veil their faces. Every necessary is to be had 
in the markets ; but wine is forbidden, and whoever vio- 
lates the interdict is severely punished, and sometimes 
even put to death. The ruler of Hu-lu-mu-sz', the officers, 
and the people profess the Mohammedan (Rui) religion. 
They wash and pray five times a day. The soil there 
is covered with kien (salt),^^^ wherefore grass and trees 
do not thrive there. Cattle and horses are fed on dried 

•* About Cheng Ho's mission see note 880. 

*• De Barros (I. c. 34) states, on the authority of Persian authors, that 
about the time here spoken of Ormuz was ruled by Seifadin, who reigned 
twenty years. Compare also Teixeira, " Reyes de Persia y de Harmuz," 

^^ Kien in Peking is a kind of impure carbonate of soda used for soap, 
but in this case evidently salt is meant. De Barros (I. c. 31) states that 
the ground of the island of Ormuz is quite sterile owing to the salt and 
sulphur it contains. 


fish.^71 ^g regards fruits, there are walnuts, la-dan,^'''^ pine 
seeds, pomegranates, grapes, and dates.^^^ 

There is a great hill which is differently coloured on 
each of its four sides. One side consists of red rock-salt, 
of which the people make vessels ; and when they put flesh 
in these, it is not necessary to add salt for its preserva- 
tion.^^* Another side is of white clay, used for white- 
washing walls. The third and fourth sides of the hill are 
of reddish carnation and yellow clay, which is also brought 
into use.^''^ 

The country produces lions, k'i-lin,^'^^ t'o-ki,^'^'^ fu-lu,^^^ 

^^ The surprising custom of feeding cattle of all sorts upon fish on the 
coast of Oman is recorded by Ibn Batuta (ii. 197), as well as by M. Polo 

(ii. 439). 

872 Badam is the Persian name for almonds. See note 26. 

^^ Wan nien tsao, " ten thousand years' jujubes ; " called also Po-sze tsao, 
or " Persian jujubes." These names and others were applied since the 
time of the T'ang dynasty to the dates brought from Persia. The author 
of the Pen ts'ao kang mu (end of the sixteenth century) states that this 
fruit is called k'u-lu-ma in Persia. The Persian name of the date is 

874 The salt-hills of the island of Ormuz are noticed by Ibn Batuta 
(1330), Barbosa(i5i6), and Corsali (1517). Ibn Batuta, ii. 231, says that 
there are hills consisting of a kind of salt, called darani, of which the 
people make vases. Barbosa (Stanley's transl. 41) reports : "Outside of 
the city of Ormuz, in the island itself, there is a small mountain, which is 
entirely of rock-salt and sulphur ; this salt is in great lumps, and very 
white and good ; they call it Indian salt, and the ships which come there 
from all parts take this salt," &c. Corsali ("Ramusio," i. 187), states that 
the rock-salt found in the hills near Ormuz is of a reddish colour. 

875 Compare the reports of Figueroa (1617) and Kinneir (1813), quoted 
by Ritter, "Arabien," i. 437, 441, about the various colours of the rocks in 
the island of Ormuz. 

876 jCi-lin is a fabulous animal of the Chinese — the Chinese unicorn. It 
is known that the ancients in the West also believed in the existence of 
the unicorn, or an animal with one horn ; and even now the people of 
Western Asia and Africa still believe in its existence. Some modern 
zoologists are of opinion that the straight - horned antelope, Oryx 
BoAsa, may have formed the groundwork of the popular conception of 
this animal. 

877 T'o-ki or camel-fowl is the ostrich. Compare note 392. 

878 The great Geography of the Ming states that fu-lu is the name of 
a handsome striped beast resembling a donkey. Thus fu-lu seems to 
denote the zebra. 


ling yang}'^^ Great pearls and various precious stones are 
also found there. 

y. — Countries and Places marked on the Map West 
OF the Dominions of Abu Said. 


Konstantinah was the name by which the Persians, Arabs, 
and Turks used to designate Constantinople (Istakhri, 43 ; 
Abulfeda, ii. 315). 

The Mongol khans in Persia were generally on good 
terms with the Byzantine emperors, and several marriages 
of Byzantine princesses with Mongol khans are recorded 
by the Byzantine chroniclers. Hulagu demanded in mar- 
riage a daughter of Michael Palseologus, named Mary, who 
was sent in compliance with this demand ; but when she 
arrived in Persia, Hulagu was dead, and she was married to 
his son and successor, Abaka khan. This princess is men- 
tioned by Piashid under the name of Tespina (d'Ohsson, 
iii. 418). This is evidently the Greek Aeairoiva, princess. 

Andronicus the Elder is said to have given his natural 
daughter to Ghazan, khan of Persia, and a few years later 
his sister Mary to Oldjaitu khan (l. c. iv. 315, 318). 
Other Byzantine princesses were married to the khans of 


Mizraim is the name by which Egypt is designated in 
the Bible. The Arabic 3fisr is evidently derived from this 
appellation. It properly means the capital of Egypt 
(Istakhri, 18, 28, 146; Abulfeda, ii. 139). When speak- 
ing of the country, the Arab geographers use the terms 
Dyar-Misr or Bilad-Misr (provinces of Misr). 

^n the Yiian shi, the name of Mi-si-rh or Egypt occurs 

The Pen ts'ao kang mu, i. 34, gives ling yang as a synonym of ta wei 
yang, or broad-tailed sheep. 


several times. Ch'ang Te, in his account of the countries 
of the West, gives some particulars regarding Mi-si-rli. 
See i. 141, 142. 

i)/-J/7->SfH7-(?i?/=DIMASHK, DAMASCUS. 

The history of Damascus can be traced back to the 
narratives of Holy Scripture, where this city, the capital 
of one of the kingdoms of Syria, is often mentioned. 
Dimashk is frequently noticed in the Persian annals in 
connection with the wars of the Mongol khans of Persia 
with the sultans of Egypt in the thirteenth and fourteenth 

In a letter addressed by Arghun, khan of Persia, to King 
Philip of Prance, written in Mongol in 1289, and pre- 
served in the French archives, Damascus is termed Dimiski 
(Pauthier's "M. Polo," 7^6). 

In the '' Mdmoires cone, les Chinois," xiv. 246, Father 
Amiot has translated from the Chinese a petition addressed 
to one of the Ming emperors by a Mohammedan, Ho-che 
han tung, from Di-mi-shi, soliciting permission to travel 
in China. From the accompanying original petition in 
Persian, it appeared, as Eemusat states, that by Di-mi-shi 
Damascus was meant. 


Although the position assigned to Dan-ya on the ancient 
map (north of Constantinople) does not suit Damietta, I 
nevertheless suppose that this city, situated on the eastern 
mouth of the Nile, was meant. At least there was no 
country or city north of Constantinople bearing a similar 
name. Damiat played an important part in the crusades. 
The Mongol armies never advanced as far as Damietta, 
but of course the name was well known to them. The 
Catalan map writes the name Damyat, 

part w. 




The power of the great Mongol Empire in Eastern Asia 
(Mongolia, China, &c.) established by Kubilai Khan, who 
in 1260 had moved the seat of government to China, sub- 
sisted no longer than while it was sustained by the firm 
and dexterous hand of this illustrious monarch. Not very 
long after his death (in 1294) the mighty empire began to 
decline under the rule of his incapable and debauched 
successors, and at length the weakness of the Great Khans 
gave free scope to the rise and progress of a new Chinese 
dynasty. Chu Yiian chang, a humble Chinese plebeian, 
became about 1353 the leader of a vast host of insurgents, 
and, owing to his commanding ability, finally succeeded 
in overthrowing the Mongol dynasty in China. Having 
expelled the Mongols from Northern China in 1 368, he 
proclaimed himself Emperor, taking the title Hung wu. 
He was the celebrated founder of the Ming dynasty. 

The Mongols, confined to their original seats, the steppes 
of Mongolia, continued to rule there as troublesome nor- 
thern neighbours of the new Chinese empire. 

A western branch of the Mongols, known under the 
names of Oirat or Kalrmcks, occupied in the fourteenth 
and fifteenth centuries the land north of the eastern T'ien 
shan mountains, or Eastern Dsungaria. Subsequently we 
find also tribes of them living in the southern part of 
Western Mongolia and in Kukunor. 

Eastern and Western Turkestan, as also the western 
part of the tracts which we call Dsungaria, continued in 
the Ming period to constitute the dominions of the de- 
scendants of Chagatai, the second son of Chinghiz. This 


was the so-called Middle Empire, and included originally 
Transoxiana. But in the first half of the fourteenth cen- 
tury the Middle Empire came to be divided, and Mave- 
rannahr or Transoxiana was then ruled by separate khans 
of the same house of Chagatai. About fifty years later, in 
1370, the great conqueror Timur, who likewise traced his 
descent from the royal stock of Chinghiz, ascended the 
throne of Chagatai in Samarkand, and laid the foundation 
of a new dynasty. At his death in 1405 he left to his 
successors the greatest empire the world ever saw. 

The eastern part of the Middle Empire (Eastern and 
Western Turkestan and Western Dsungaria), called Mo- 
ghulisian, or the country of the Jetes, by the Mohammedan 
historians of Timur and his successors, continued to remain 
under the rule of sovereigns of Chagatai's lineage, and sur- 
vived the numerous attacks and devastations by the con- 
queror's armies. Only a century after Timur's death the 
last Khan of Moghulistan is reported to have been put to 
death by Sheibani, the founder of the Uzbeg power in 
Central Asia, and who a few years earlier had driven out 
the Timurids from Transoxiana. The succession of Khans 
of Moghulistan was, however, carried on for many years 
afterwards by one branch of the house of Djagatai in 
Tiirfan and the farthest East. Besides this, another 
Moghul khanship had risen, end of the fourteenth cen- 
tury, in Kashgar^ and seems to have still subsisted in the 
middle of the sixteenth century. 

The empire of the Mongol dynasty of the Ilkha7is, 
founded in 1259 by Hulagu, brother of the Great Khan 
Kubilai, and comprising Persia, Irak Arabi, Mesopota- 
mia, Armenia, became dismembered before a century had 
elapsed. Abu Said, a descendant of Hulagu in the fourth 
degree, 1317-35, was the last of the Ilkhans who exercised 
absolute authority in the empire. Five Ilkhans reigned 
after him ; and during their short reigns the empire broke 
into fragments, and the single provinces became inde- 
pendent. Finally, Timur subjugated all Western Asia, 


and reduced the petty rulers of Khorassan, Mazanderari, 
Pars, &e., to obedience. Sultan Ahmed Jelair, whose 
father, likewise a descendant of Hulagu, had founded, 
after Abu Said's death, a new dynasty in Bagdad, and 
who had taken also possession of Azerbeidjan, passed the 
latter part of his life, from the year 1384, in an ineffectual 
struggle with Timur and his successors, and at length, in 
1410, was taken prisoner and put to death by Kara Yusuf, 
the valiant Turkoman chief and ruler of Kurdistan. 

North of the Middle Empire, and also north of the 
empire of the Ilkhans, was the Besht Kipchak, the domi- 
nions assigned by Chinghiz khan to his eldest son, Djuchi. 
Desht Kipchak occupied the vast steppe lands stretching 
east and north of Lake Aral, a part of modern Siberia, the 
land north of the Caspian Sea, and on both sides of the 
Lower Volga, and, after Batu's conquest, covered also a 
large part of Southern Eussia. This vast empire was from 
the beginning, i.e., after Djuchi's death in 1225, divided 
into two main sections. The one subject to Djuchi's 
eldest son, Orda, dominated in the East, and was known 
under the name of the Wliite Horde, whilst the western 
part of the Khanate, the Golden Horde, was ruled over by 
Orda's brother, Batu, the conqueror of Eussia, who since 
about 1254 had his residence in Sarai, on the Lower Volga. 
In the second half of the thirteenth century another branch 
of Djuchi's lineage acquired authority in the Crimea, and 
subsequently founded there a powerful Khanate, which 
subsisted down to the end of the last century. The rival 
families of the White Horde and the Crimean branch kept 
up a struggle for the throne of Sarai for a long time. 
Princes of both houses ruled there alternately according 
to the chance of their arms. Timur during the whole of 
his reign was almost constantly at feud with ToUamish, 
who then ruled over Desht Kipchak, and belonged to the 
Crimean branch. In 1502 Menrjli Girai, the sovereign of 
the Crimean Horde, dispersed the Golden Horde of Sarai, 
and thus delivered Eussia from the Mongol yoke. The 


Khanate of Kazan, which had been founded in 1439 on 
the relics of the Bolgarian Empire by the Mongol prince 
Ulugh Mohammed, was, after a long struggle, definitively 
crushed by the Eussian arms in 1552. 

There was yet another branch of the house of Djuchi in 
Central Asia, which became famous in the fifteenth cen- 
tury under the name of Uzbegs. They formed the special 
heritage of Sheiban, the fifth son of Djuchi. His original 
dominions seem to have been contiguous to those of the 
White Horde. The real founder of the power of the 
Uzbegs was AhulJcTiair, a descendant of Sheiban in the 
sixth degree. He was born in 141 3, and expelled the 
White Horde from their original seats. The latter then 
were received by the Khan of Moghulistan, who gave to 
the Khans of the White Horde some territories on the 
western limits of Moghulistan, on the river Chu. The 
people of the White Horde there were subsequently named 
Kasahs. Abulkhair conquered Khovarezm, and extended 
his dominions also over Turkestan. His son Sheihani in 
the beginning of the sixteenth century made himself master 
of Samarkand and Transoxiana, and some years later suc- 
ceeded in driving the Timurids out also of Khorassan. The 
important states founded by the Uzbegs in that period in 
Transoxiana and Khovarezm subsisted down to the occu- 
pation of these tracts by the Eussians, and partly still 
exist there. 

Soon after the Ming dynasty had established its power 
over the Middle Kingdom, the Chinese emperors did not 
tarry to extend their reputation by land and sea ^^^ to the 

■" As to the intercourse which existed during the Ming period between 
China and foreign countries reached by sea, it dates from the beginning of 
the fifteenth century. In 1405 Yung lo, the third Ming emperor, 1403- 
1425, sent one of his eunuchs, Cheng Ho, to make inquiries about the 
emperor's nephew Kicn wen, dethroned by Yung lo, and suspected to have 
hidden himself somewhere in the countries beyond the sea. Yung lo 
felt uneasy about his disappearance. Cheng Ho was accompanied by a 


farthest extremities of the world known to them. Hunq 
1VU, the first Ming emperor (1368-99) was particularly- 
anxious to be on good terms with Timur or Tamerlan, 
whose rising power at that time began to alarm the 
sovereigns of Asia. The Chinese annals record several 
embassies sent by Hung wu to Timur, who did not fail to 
send in return his envoys with presents to Hung wu. But 
finally Timur determined to make war on China. As is 
known, the great conqueror died at Otrar in February 
1405, just when he was about to move out on the expedi- 
tion against the emperor of China. In the same Chinese 
annals Timur's son. Shah Eok, ruler of Herat, is stated to 
have repeatedly despatched embassies to the Chinese court 
in the first quarter of the fifteenth century. The Chinese 
envoys who went to Samarkand and Herat in the four- 
teenth and fifteenth centuries visited also a number of 
other places and countries on their way thither and 
beyond, and it seems that from the reports of these 
Chinese envoys the accounts found in the history of the 
Ming with respect to the countries in the West have been 

vast fleet and a large force. On his expeditions, several times repeated in 
the space of about thirty years (see his biography, Ming shi, chap, ccciv.), 
he visited a number of kingdoms situated on the Indian Ocean up to the 
Persian and Arabian Gulfs and the eastern coast of Africa, and obtained 
the nominal allegiance of their rulers. 

The Chinese accounts of these countries, gathered during the expeditions 
of Cheng Ho, have been in part translated and annotated by several dis- 
tinguished sinologues. Some translations by Father Amiot from the Ming 
shi, relating to the kingdoms of Southern Asia, are found in vol. xiv. 
(1789) of the •' Memoires concern, les Chinois." In 1874 the late W. F. 
Mayers published in the "China Review," iii. 219, 321, two interesting 
papers on the subject, with the title, " Chinese Explorations of the Indian 
Ocean during the Fifteenth Century." Two years later Mr. W. P. 
Groeneveldt wrote his valuable "Notes on the Malay Archipelago and 
Malacca," in which he has brought together all the information found in 
Chinese works regarding the Indian Archipelago. Lastly, Mr. G. Phillips 
has recently undertaken to continue the translations commenced by 
Mayers, and two of his most ably written papers on the •' Seaports of 
India and Ceylon described by Chinese Voyagers " have already appeared 
in the Joum. Ch. Br. R. As. Soc, vol. xx., xxi. 


In the Ye hu pien, a collection of miscellaneous nie- 
moirs,^^ published in 1606, chap, ix., we read as follows : — 

The Si yu sheng Ian shi (poems written on the curious 
things seen on a travel to the West) was composed by 
An.^^ The author's friend, who published the book, states 
in the preface that An had the cognomen Chi tao, and that 
he was one of the most remarkable men of Northern China. 
In the year 1395 he was sent by the emperor Hung wu to 
Sa-ma-rh-han (Samarkand). He accompanied the envoy 
of the ruler of that country (Timur), who returned from 
China home. They proceeded from Kia yil kuan ^^^ 800 
li, crossed the Ziusha (moving sands) ,^^* and after travel- 
ling 2000 li arrived at Ha-mi-li (Kamul, Hami). After 
this they went through the Han hai ^^^ 1 300 li to ancient 
Kao cJiang.^^^ Farther westward they reached I-la-ha-li 
(Ilibalik). Hence all rivers flow to the west. Farther 
on 3000 lij Sa-ma-rh-han (Samarkand) was reached. The 
ruler of that country and his ministers boasted of the 
great extent of their dominions, and sent the Chinese 
envoy to vLsit the most remarkable places of the empire. 
An officer was appointed to accompany him. Travelling 
westward, they reached T'ao-lo-sz (Tauris or Tabriz). 

^^ See W. Schott, " Verzeichniss der Chines., &c., Biicher und Handschr. 
der Bibliothek zu Berlin," 1840, p. 77. 

®- In the Ming shi this envoy An is frequently mentioned. 

^® This is still the name of a fortress near the termination of the Great 
Wall, in the Chinese province of Kan su. For nearly 2000 years Kia 
yii kuan, or rather Yii men huan, which lies farther north-west, were the 
starting-points for Chinese travellers and military expeditions proceeding 
to Central and Western Asia. See also note 937. 

*** This is the Chinese name applied since the remotest time of Chinese 
hiHtory to the sandy desert stretching west and north-west of Kia yii kuan. 
See also note 47. 

*^^ An ancient name for the north-western part of the Mongolian desert. 
See note 9. Here in this case the appellation Han liai is extended also 
over the country west of Hami, 

*• Ancient Kao chang answers the present Karakhodjo, east of Turfan. 
See note 153. I must observe that the figures in the Chinese itinerary 
show ooiuiderable (evidently clerical) errors. As we shall see farther on, 
the Ming shi estimates the distance between Kia yii kuan and I^amul at 
1600 li, and between Hami and Turfan at more than 1000 U. 


After this they visited I-sz-hu-han (Ispahan), and then 
proceeded southward to Shi-la-sz (Shiraz). On their way 
back they passed by Hei-lu (Herat) and other cities. They 
had travelled over more than 10,000 li, and when they 
returned to Samarkand they had been absent six years. 
As An Chi tao was not disposed to agree with the pro- 
positions of the ruler of Samarkand, he was retained by 
force. It was only after his (Timur's) death (February 
1405) that An Chi tao was allowed to return home. 
According to the Ming shi, this Chinese envoy returned 
home in 1407, after twelve years' absence. Subsequently 
An Chi tao was again entrusted with missions to the 
western countries. 

There are two records of European travellers corroborat- 
ing in some way the above Chinese statements. Clavijo, 
the well-known Castilian ambassador, who sojourned at the 
court of Timur from September 8 to November 21, 1404, 
states (see Markham's transl. 133 seq.) : — 

" The Emperor Chuyscan, Lord of Cathay, had sent to 
Timur Beg to demand the yearly tribute which was 
formerly paid. When Timur (on an audience he gave 
the foreign ambassadors) saw the ambassadors (Clavijo, 
&c.) seated below the Cathayan ambassador, he sent to 
order that they should sit above him; those who came 
from the king of Spain, his son and friend, were not to 
sit below the envoy of a thief and scoundrel who was 
Timur's enemy. This emperor of Cathay is called 
Chuyscan, which means * nine empires,' but the Zagatays 
called him Tangus, which means ' pig emperor.' ^^^ He 
is the lord of a great country, and Timur Beg used to pay 
him tribute, but he refuses to do so now. . . ." 

On p. 173 Clavijo speaks again of the same Chinese 
embassy : " When the Lord (Timur) had returned to 
Samarkand after an absence of seven years (war in 
Western Asia), the ambassadors from Cathay arrived, 
with orders to say that the Lord held that land subject 

*^ Tangus means " pig " in Turkish. See also note 1063. 


to the emperor of Cathay, and to demand the payment of 
tribute every year, as it was seven years since any had 
been paid. The Lord answered that it was true, but that 
he would not pay it. This tribute had not been paid for 
nearly eight years, nor had the emperor of Cathay sent 
for it, and the reason why he did not send for it was that 
this emperor died."^^^ After this Clavijo gives a some- 
what confused and incorrect account of the struggle which 
ensued between the sons of the emperor, and then con- 
tinues: "As soon as the middle brother (second son of 
Hung wu ^^) reigned alone and was quietly established in 
his own empire, he sent these ambassadors to Timur Beg, 
to demand the tribute which was formerly paid to his 
father. But we did not hear whether he resented the 
answer given by Timur. . . . Cambalu, the chief city of 
Cathay, is six months from Samarkand, two of which are 
passed in crossing an uninhabited land, never visited by 
any one but shepherds, who wander with their flocks in 
search of pasture. In this year (1404) as many as 800 
camels, laden with merchandise, came from Cambalu to 
Samarkand in the month of June. When Timur heard 
what the ambassadors from Cathay had demanded, he 
ordered these camels to be detained, and we saw the men 
who came with the camels." 

J. Shildherger, a Bavarian, who seems to have been at 
Samarkand at the same time with Clavijo, states with 
reference to the same Chinese embassy (edit. Neumann, p. 
81): "Now at this time, when Thamerlin had returned 
after twelve years' absence, had the Great Khan, the 
King of Chetey, sent an envoy to Thamerlin with 400 
horses, and demanded the tribute which he had neglected 
to pay for five years past. So Thamerlin took the envoy 
with him to Semerchent. Then sent he the envoy away, 
and bid him tell his master he would be no tributary nor 

*• Emperor Hung wu died in 1399, and was succeeded by his grand- 
son, Kien wen, 1399- 1403. 
«* Yung lo, who in 1403 dethroned his nephew, Kien wen. 


vassal of his, and he would come to him in person. And 
then he sent off despatches throughout his dominions to 
make ready, for he would march against Cetay. And so, 
when he had gathered i,8oo,cX)0 men, he marched for a 
whole month, and then came to a desert seventy days' 
journey long. Many people and horses died from want of 
water. It was also exceedingly cold. Therefore Thamerlin 
returned to his capital, where he was taken ill and died." 

Another Chinese embassy to the west, about ten years 
later, is recorded in the Ming History, chap, cccxxxii. fol. 
9, in the following terms : — 

In the year 141 5 Ch'en Ch'eng returned home from the 
Si yil (Western countries). He had visited the following 
seventeen kingdoms or places : ^^^ — 

Ha mi (Kamul). Sa-ma-rh-han (Samarkand). 

Liu cKeng (Lukchak). K'o-shi (Kash or Kesh). 

Ho chou (Karakhodjo). Bu-hua-rh (Bokhara). 

T'u-lu-fan (Turfan). Ha-lie (Heri or Herat). 

Bie-shi-ha-li (Bishbalik). An-du-huai (Andhui). 

Sai-lan (Sairam). Tie-li-mi (Termed). 

Yang-yi (Yanghikend), Ba-da-hei-shang (Badakhshan). 

Ta-shi-kan (Tashkend). Y en tse (Salt marsh). This is an 

Sha-lu-lud-ya (Shahrokhia). ancient name for Lopnor. 

Ch*en Ch'eng had procured information regarding the 
mountains, rivers, products, customs, &c., of these coun- 
tries. He published these accounts in a book which he 
entitled Shi Si yil ki, Eecord of an embassy to the countries 
in the West.^oi 

The Huang ming ta cheng ki, a work published in 1567, 
and treating of important matters referring to the Ming 
dynasty, records the same embassy of Ch'en Clieng, stating 
that he proceeded from Su chou (in the province of Kan 

*• Further details regarding these countries will be found in the next 

*'^ This account seems to be still extant. It is noticed in the Catalogue 
of the Imperial Chinese Library at Peking, Sz' k'u ts'iian shu, chap. Ixiv. 
fol. 5. 


su) by Kia yil huan to Ha mi, and then enumerates the 
same countries and places as mentioned in the above list, 
with the only exception that we find there the name of I-li- 
ha-li instead of Bie-shi-ba-liP^ Besides this, in the same 
account Yil fien (Khotan) appears among the places 
visited by Cli en Ch'eng. Thus we may conclude that he 
returned to China via Badakhshan, Khotan, Lopnor. 

There were two other Chinese envoys sent to Western 
Asia, whose names occur frequently in the Ming shi, viz., 
Zi Ta and Li Kui. The first was sent thither in the first 
quarter of the fifteenth century, the second about 1432. 
The name of Li Ta appears in one of the letters addressed 
by the Chinese emperor to Shah Eok in about 141 7, which 
letter had been translated into Persian by Abd-er-razzak, 
and of which W. Chambers has given an English version 
in the " Asiatic Miscellany," i. 1785 (see farther on). 

The principal Chinese source of information with respect 
to the countries of Asia and their political intercourse with 
the Middle Kingdom in the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- 
turies is the Ming shi or History of the Ming Dynasty, 
which reigned 1 368-1644. At the end of this bulky 
work we find twelve chapters, 320-332, devoted to foreign 
countries which had intercourse with China in that period. 

Accounts of foreign countries are also given in the Ta 
Ming I tung chi, the great Geography of the Ming Empire. 
The edition to which I always refer bears the date of A.D. 
1 46 1. In the chaps. Ixxxix. and xc. some interesting geo- 
graphical details on the countries of Asia known to the 
Chinese in that period are found. The compilators of the 
Ming shi and of the Ming Geography had evidently diffe- 
rent sources of information. However, the statements in 
both works are not in contradiction with, but rather com- 
plete, each other. I shall generally confine myself for my 

••• We shall see farther on that in the days of the Ming these names 
dunoted the same country (the empire of the Jetes, Moghulistan). 


investigations to the Ming shi and the Ming Geography, 
although there are besides these works many other Chinese 
books published in the Ming period, and treating of foreign 

The Kuang yil Id, an abbreviated geography of the 
Ming empire, published about the commencement of the 
seventeenth century, has also two sections on border-lands 
and foreigners. ^^^ 

I may mention also the Tsien k'io lei shu, published in 
1632. The nth and 14th chapters treat of the bordering 
countries and foreign nations. 

In the "Memoires cone, les Chinois," vol. xiv., 1789, p. 
238-308, Father Amiot translated a collection of creden- 
tials from a number of Asiatic sovereigns who had sent 
their envoys to the Chinese court, and also supplications 
from these envoys. Amiot had forwarded to Paris the 
Chinese texts from which he translated, together with a 
copy of the original letters, written in different Asiatic 
languages. Ec^musat, in his " Mel. Asiat.," ii. 249, com- 
ments upon these documents. He was mistaken with 
respect to their origin, stating that these letters had been 
addressed to the Emperor Kang hi of the present dynasty. 
Amiot himself does not appear to have known to what 
period these documents belonged ; but even a superficial 
perusal of the latter leaves no doubt that all these letters 
had been written in the fifteenth century, and were ad- 
dressed to the Ming emperors. They are preserved in the 
Sz yi huan, a book published in the fifteenth century in 
the linguistic office at Peking, established in 1407 for dip- 
lomatic purposes. 

*•' A new edition of this work wa» publishod in 1803. It professes to 
be enlari^ed and revised, but as to the political division of the empire, and 
the names of the provinces and cities, nothing has been changed. Thus 
E. Biot, in his " Dictionnaire des Villes et Arrondissements dans I'Empire 
Chinois," 1842, which he compiled from the Kuang yii ki, was mistaken 
in assuming that he translated a Chinese geography of the present 


In order to turn to advantage the light opened up by 
the Chinese annahsts and geographers of the Ming period 
with respect to the history and geography of Central and 
Western Asia, we shall have to compare these generally 
scanty accounts with the statements of Western historians 
and travellers on the same subject. 

Valuable matter in illustration of the history of Central 
Asia, and especially of the Khans of Moghulistan (Jetes), 
is found in W. Erskine's '' History of India under Baber 
andHumayun," 1854, i. 35-68, 537-540. Erskine trans- 
lates chiefly from the Tarikhi Bashidi, written about 1544 
by Haider Mirza Doglat, who was himself descended from 
the princes of Moghulistan. Erskine gives the whole his- 
tory of the Djagatai dynasty (Middle Empire) in Moghuli- 
stan and Kashgar down to the middle of the sixteenth 

The History of the Khans of the Middle Empire in 
Transoxiana, down to the accession of Timur to the throne 
at Samarkand, has been translated by Defremery from the 
Habib essiyer of Khondemir (+ 1535), in the "Journal 
Asiatique," 4^ s^rie, xix. xx., 1852. 

The History of the Great Timur and his conquests was 
written by Maulana Sherif-eddin AH of Yezd. This work, 
which he called Zafer nameh, or the " Book of Victory," 
was completed in 1424. It is, as the author states in the 
preface, founded upon the records of passing events written 
down by the Uigur scribes, who always accompanied 
Timur. The Zafer nameh is well known in Europe by the 
very fair and accurate translation of FMis de la Croix 
(+ 1713)' His Histoire de Timoicr Bee was published by 
his son in 1722, in 4 vols. This translation is accom- 
panied with five detailed maps, but we are without expla- 
nation by the author as to the sources of his information. 
The maps referring to Transoxiana and Moghulistan are 
utterly incorrect, and leave no doubt that he was chiefly 
drawing on his imagination. The French version of the 
Zafer nameh was translated into English by J. Darby in 



1723, in 2 vols. This history of Timur is, besides its great 
historical importance, a rich mine of information with 
respect to the mediaeval geography of Asia. 

There is a Persian MS. of the seventeenth century by 
Abu Talib Husseini, professing to be a Persian translation 
of Timur's Autobiographical Memoirs {Malfuzat-i Timuri), 
in which Timur had recorded the events of his life in the 
Djagatai Turki language. In 1830 Major Ch. Stewart 
translated a part of this Persian text, which in his copy 
concluded with the year 1375. The British Museum now 
possesses a complete copy of the MS., extending to the 
year of Timur's death. This belonged to the Eoyal Library 
at Lucknow. Elliot, in his "History of India," 1871, iii. 
394 seq^., translated from it the chapter referring to Timur's 
expedition to India. Mr. Ch. Eieu, in his " Catalogue of 
Persian Manuscripts," i. 1 77, 1 78, considers the authenticity 
of these Memoirs of Timur to be open to serious objections. 

There is another history of Timur, written by Ahmed 
Ihn Mohammed, with the surname Arab ShoJi, a native 
of Damascus, where he died in 1450. He was the pre- 
ceptor of the Othoman Sultan Murad II. This book, which 
he wrote in Arabic, bears the title Ajaib al Mukhlukat, or 
" Wonders of the Creation." It has been edited in the 
Arabic text by Golius in 1636, translated into French by 
P. Vattier in 1658, and into Latin by Manger in 1767. 
Arab Shah's history of the great conqueror has no claims 
to be considered a work of historical value, being more a 
coarse satire on that prince than his history. It contains 
an interesting description of the Desht Kipchak. See 
Manger's transl., vol. i. chap. xlv. 

Ahd-er-razzah, 1413-83, wrote the history of Timur's 
son, Shah Eok, and of his great-grandson, Abu Said. 
Quatremere in 1843 undertook to translate this work, the 
Matla-assaadein, &c., into French, but his translation, pub- 
lished in the " Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits, &c.," 
XIV. i., gives only a part of the life of Shah Eok, and 
concludes with the year 1421. 



A complete history of the Timurids, down to the over- 
throw of this dynasty in Transoxiana and Khorassan by 
the Uzbegs in the beginning of the sixteenth century, is 
given in the Rauzat-us-Safa and in the Khulasat-ul-Akhhar, 
the works of the great historians MirhJiond (+ 1498) and 
his grandson ^/tonf^em-ir (+ 1535). These records have 
been translated by Major D. Price in his valuable work 
" Chronological Ketrospect of Mohammedan History," vol. 
iii., 1 82 1. 

One of the descendants of Timur, the famous Sultan 
Baher, after being driven out from his patrimony, Fer- 
ghana, by the Uzbegs, and after several fruitless attempts 
to establish his power in Transoxiana, succeeded in 
conquering Kabul, and in about 1520 made himself 
master of Northern India, where he became the founder 
of the mighty Moghul dynasty, which up to the begin- 
ning of the nineteenth century held imperial sway in 
India. Baber died in 1530 ; his Memoirs, the Babei^ nameh, 
written in the Djagatai Turki language, have come down 
to us in this original composition and in a Persian trans- 
lation. They are remarkable for the ability and the 
judgment with which they were written. The author sup- 
plies a mass of most valuable information regarding the 
political events of his time, in which he had taken so large 
a share. Besides this, his records deserve special attention 
on account of the interesting geographical details they 
contain referring to Ferghana, Transoxiana, Khorassan, 
Kabul, and Northern India. The Baber nameh was trans- 
lated into English from the Persian version by J. Leyden 
and W. Erskine in 1826. A French translation from the 
original Turki work was published in 1871, in 2 vols., by an 
accomplished French orientalist, M. Pavet de Courteille. 
It is to this edition that my quotations of Baber's Memoirs 
always refer. 

As to the journeys by land from Western to Eastern 
Asia made within the Ming period by Western travellers. 


I rely upon Colonel H. Yule's admirable work, " Cathay 
and the Way Thither/' 1 866, in which the erudite author 
has brought together, with that critical judgment we are 
accustomed to meet in his writings, a great amount of 
Asiatic documents bearing upon the mediaeval geography 
of Asia, little known or unknown in Europe before, and 
where he reviews also the reports of some Mohamme- 
dan travellers who in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries 
went to China by land. 

The most important of these narratives is that written 
by Gaiatheddin Nakkash on the mission Mirza Shah Rok, 
the son of Timur, sent to the Emperor of China, 1419-22 
A.D. It has been preserved in Abd-er-razzak's History of 
Shah Eok {v. supra) and in Mirkhond's Eauzat-us-Safa. 
A good French translation of it from Abd-er-razzak's 
account was published by Quatrem^re in his History of 
Shah Eok (Not. et Extr., XI Y. i. p. 387-426). Yule, in his 
" Cathay," cxcix., presented an English version of Quatre- 
mere's translation. Mr. Eehatsek published an original 
English translation of the same narrative as given by 
Mirkhond (" Indian Antiquary," ii. 1873). 

Much earlier, W. Chambers had published in the 
"Asiatic Miscellany," i. 1785, p. 71 scq., an interesting 
article with the title ''An Account of Einbassies and 
Letters that passed between the Emperor of China and 
Sultan Shah Rokh, son of Amir Timur." Chambers trans- 
lated from Abd-er-razzak's Matla-assaadein. Of great inte- 
rest in this account are several letters the Chinese emperor 
had addressed to Shah Eok in Chinese with a Persian 
translation. The latter is given by Abd-er-razzak, and 
Chambers turned these letters into Enfjlish. 

On p. ccxiv. Colonel Yule* s " Cathay " gives Hajji Maho- 
med's Account of Cathay and the overland route thither 
(about A.D. 1550), and on p. ccxx. the report on the same 
subject by a Turkish Dervish (c. 1 560). 

A more detailed account of Cathay, referring to the end 
of the fifteenth century, which has not been noticed by 


Yule, is found in the Khitai nameh, written in Persian by 
Sdd All Ekher^ a Mohammedan merchant who had spent 
some time in Peking, and who wrote this book in 1 516 at 
Constantinople. He gives in it the narrative of his jour- 
ney overland and of his sojourn in Northern China. The 
well-known French orientalist Ch. Shefer possesses a com- 
plete MS. copy of this interesting account, and in the 
" Melanges Orientaux," 2^^°"* serie, vol. ix., 1883, p. 31-67, 
translated some chapters of it. Before him Mr. Zenker, a 
German orientalist, had given an abstract of the Turkish 
version of the book in the "Zeitsch. f. d. Kunde d. 
Morgenl.," xv., 1861, p. 785. 

It does not seem that after Marignolli, who, on his way 
to Khanbalik (Peking) in circa A.D. 1340, crossed Central 
Asia, any European traveller arrived in China overland 
in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The next who 
after Marignolli reports again on these tracts is B. Goes. 
He went in the beginning of the seventeenth century from 
India through the land of the Upper Oxus to Eastern 
Turkestan, arrived at the Chinese city of Su cJiou, where 
he died in 1607. Goes first established the fact that 
Kathay and China are the same. His narrative has been 
most ably reviewed by Colonel Yule. In 1879 the Jesuit 
Father Brucker published in the " Etudes Keligieuses " at 
Lyon a very valuable paper on the journey of Goes. He 
gives some hitherto unpublished letters written by Goes 
during his journey, which throw new light upon his travel. 

No indication of ancient political or other intercourse 
between Russia and China previous to the beginning of 
the seventeenth century is found either in the Russian 
annals or in any other ancient document. It was only in 
1 58 1 that the valiant Yermak took Sibir, the capital of 
the Tatar Khan Kuchum, situated 16 versts above Tobolsk 
on the Irtysh, and it does not seem that the knowledge 
possessed by the Russians at that time of the northern 
part of the Asiatic continent extended farther east than 



the Eiver Irtysh and the valley of the Lower and Middle 
Syrdaria. It is, therefore, very curious to find Russians 
mentioned in Northern China in about 1543 by F. M. 
Pinto. This Portuguese adventurer and pirate, who had 
been taken prisoner by the Chinese and condemned to 
hard labour in the province of Shen si, was finally set at 
liberty by the King of Tartary (Mongols), who had made 
an inroad upon China. While he was with his liberator at 
the city of Tuymican (?), several Asiatic chiefs and their 
envoys arrived there. I may quote from Figuier's French 
translation (1628), chap, cxxiv., of Pinto's narrative the 
somewhat obscure passage referring to these embassies : — 

" L'autre estoit le roy thes Mogores, dont I'estat est dans 
le coeur du pais pres des Corazones (Khorassan ?) province 
proche de Perse et le royaume de Dely et de Chitor, et un 
empereur nomme Caran, selon nous I'avons appris icy, a les 
bornes de sa souverainete dans les montagnes de Goncalidan, 
a 60 degrez plus avant, avec des hommes que ceux du pais 
appellent Moscovites, desquels nous en vismes quelques uns 
en cette ville, qui sont blonds, de belle taille, et vestus de 
hauts de chausses, de casaques et de chappeaux, commes 
les Fiamans et les Suisses que nous voyons en Europe, dont 
les plus honorables avoient des robes fourrees de peaux et 
les autres de martres sebellines. lis portaient tons des 
espees larges et grandes, et nous remarquames qu'en leur 
language ils usoient de quelques mots latins, meme qu'en 
baillant ils repetoient par trois fois : Dominus ! Dominus ! 
Dominus ! ce qui sembloit avoir en eux plus d'apparence 
d'idolatrie que de religion et ce qu'il y avait de pire en 
eux estoit le detestable peschc^ de sodomie, auquel ils 
estoient grandement addonnez." 

The statement about the yawning leaves no doubt that 
Pinto saw genuine Russians. It is still the custom amoncj 
the common people in Russia to make the sign of the 
cross upon themselves when yawning and to invocate God. 

The first recorded Russian intercourse with China dates 
from the reign of the Tzar Michael Fedorowich, by whose 


order, in 1620, Ivan Fetlin, a Kozak of Tomsk, was 
despatched to get information about the great river Ob 
and the kingdom of Kitai (China). Petlin, on his return, 
put down a report on his journey with a much detailed 
itinerary. The original of it is found in the Imperial 
Public Library at St. Petersburg. It was published in 
cxtenso in 1818 by Spassky in the Sibirsky vestnik (in 
Eussian). Previously Bergeron (+ 1639) in his"Traite 
des Tartares," p. 106, and Pischer, in his "History of 
Siberia," 1774, p. 267, had given incomplete and incorrect 
accounts of Petlin's mission. Petlin from Tomsk pro- 
ceeded southward to the river Abakan (a western affluent of 
the Yenissei), went to the river Kemdiih (Upper Yenissei), 
and farther on reached a great lake (the Ujpsa nor), on 
which was the encampment of the (Mongol) Altyn Khan. 
Continuing his route, he came to the encampment of 
Chasaktu Khan (which in our days lies about a hundred 
English miles south of Uliassutai), and then crossed the 
western part of the Mongolian desert. He came out, it 
seems, at the present Kukukhoto, and passed the Great Wall, 
which he styles the Chinese krym (krem or kreml in the 
ancient Eussian language denotes a wall with embrasures). 
Finally, he reached the White City, situated on the Yil ho 
(Peking. Yii ho is still the name of one of the principal 
canals which traverse Peking). Inside of this city was 
another which he terms Magnit city, in which the Tzar 
Taibun (Tai Ming ?) lived (evidently the imperial city). 
Petlin did not see the Tzar Taibun, for he had not brought 
with him presents. After this Petlin returned home. 

( 157 ) 



As has been noticed above, the Ming History has a 
section of thirteen chapters (cccxx.-cccxxxii.) devoted to 
Foreign Countries, Wai kuo. 

These accounts commence with a long article on Ch^ao 
sien or Kao li, or Corea, which fills up the whole chapter 

The next chapter (cccxxi.) treats at length oi An nan 
or Annam, the country we generally term Tongking. 
Compare G. Deveria's very valuable book " Histoire des 
Relations de la Chine avec TAnnam," 1880. 

Chap, cccxxii. is devoted to Jipen or Japan. 

Chap, cccxxiii. contains more or less detailed accounts 
of the islands of the Eastern Sea : Liu kiu, the Lew- 
chew islands of our maps, between Japan and Formosa, 
which latter island the Chinese geographers in ancient 
times comprised in the Liu kiu Archipelago ; Lii-sung, 
Luzon or Manilla ; Mei-lo-kil, where the ting hiang 
(cloves) is produced, the Moluccas, and many other 

Chap, cccxxxiv. deals with Chan-clieng or Champa, 
K^un-lun or Pulo Condore, Chen-la or Cambodja, Sien-lo or 
Siam, Chao~wa or Java, and other kingdoms. 

8»4 In the Ming Geography the article on Corea is followed by a notice 
of the country of the Nii-chi, whose seats were north of Corea (in present 
Manchuria). They had formerly ruled over Northern China. Their 
dynasty was known as the Kin or Golden, a.d. ii 15-1234, See note 574. 
The same race gave subsequently to China the actually reigning Manchu 


In chap, cccxxxv. we find accounts of Po-ni or Bruni, 
Borneo, Man-la-kia or Malacca, Su-men-ta-la or Sumatra, 
Su-lu or Sulu islands, Feng-Jieng or Pahang, on the eastern 
coast of the Malay peninsula, Jou-fu or Johor. Of the 
Portuguese and] Dutch, whose maritime and commercial 
supremacy in the East in the fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries extended even to China and Japan, mention is 
made in the same chapter under the names of Fo-lang-hi 
(Franks) and Ho-lan (Holland) or Hung mao fan (red- 
haired barbarians). 

Chap, cccxxvii. describes the rest of the countries situ- 
ated on the Indian Ocean up to the Arabian Gulf and 
the African coast, viz., Ku-l% the great rendezvous of 
foreigners, as the Ming shi states, seems to be Kalicut, on 
the Malabar coast (but Yule says perhaps Kayal). Ko-chi 
is Cochin, on the same coast. Little and G reat Ko-lan ; 
one of them seems to denote Coilam, an important 
mediaeval port on the coast of Malabar. Si-lan, remark- 
able for a curious mark of Buddha's foot on a mountain, 
is without doubt Ceylon (Adam's Peak). Bang-lco-la is 
Bengal. Jao-na-pu-rh, in Middle In-du (Hindustan), is 
Zuaiigpur. The kingdoms Dsu-fa-rh, Mu-gu-du-su, Bu- 
la-wa can easily be identified with Dsahfar, on the south 
coast of Arabia ; Mogedoxu and Brawa, both on the east 
coast of Africa. After this the same chapter notices 
A-dan or Aden, La sa or L'Ahsa on the Persian Gulf ; 
Hu-lu-miu-sz or Ormuz, at the entrance of the Persian 
Gulf.^^^ The section on Western Countries reached by 
sea concludes with an article on Fo-lin (Byzantine Em- 
pire; see note 391) and other European countries, and an 
account of the Jesuit missionaries who had come to China 
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 

In the above brief summary of the contents I have only 
given those names that I was able to identify. These 
countries do not fall within the limits of my notices. 

"• See above p. 130, where a translation of the account of Ormuz in the 
2iing tbi has been given. 


The chapters cccxxvii.-cccxxxii. deal with the countries 
situated north and west of China and reached by land. 
These form the basis of my investigations in the subsequent 


The whole chapter cccxxvii. of the Ming shi is devoted 
to the history of the Mongols after their expulsion from 
China, and in the next chapter a long article on the 
Wa-la, Oirats or Western Mongols, appears. 

The history of these Oirats of the Mongol annalists, 
subsequently known also under the name of Kalmuks, 
Meuths, Dsungars, is very imperfectly known, and the 
origin of these appellations is also quite obscure. 

Besides the Chinese sources of information regarding 
the history of the Mongols and the Oirats as found in the 
Ming shi, there exists an indigenous Mongol chronicle, 
the Altan tobchi, in which the Oirats and their intercourse 
with the Eastern Mongols are frequently spoken of. Two 
MS. copies of this rare document had been procured by 
the Eussian missionaries at Peking, and the learned Lama 
Galsan Gamboyeff, Professor at the University of Kazan, 
published the Mongol text of it together with a Eussian 
version in vol. vi. of the " Journal of the Eussian Archaeo- 
logical Society," 1858. The Altan tobchi (Epitome aurea), 
or properly Erdenin tobchi (which has nearly the same 
meaning), is a much confused record of the history of the 
Mongols down to the sixteenth century, and generally 
difficult to understand. We meet in it with a great pro- 
fusion of names of men, places, and events recorded in- 
coherently, and in most of the cases we are embarrassed 
what to make of these stories and to decide to what period 
they are intended to refer. However, a comparison of the 
Altan tobchi with the Chinese historical accounts respect- 
ing the Mongols enables us to detect in it a nucleus of 
authenticity. Sanang Setsen, a Mongol prince, who iu 


1662 completed his History of the Mongols (translated into 
German by I. J. Schmidt, 1829), relied for the period in 
question generally upon the Altan tobchi. 

I would observe, before examining the records found in 
the Ming history with respect to the Wa-la or Oirats, that 
the existence of a tribe of this name can be traced back to 
the very beginning of the thirteenth century. In the 
Ylian shi the Oirats are termed Wei-la or Wa-i-la; in the 
Mongol annals of the thirteenth century (Ylian cli ao p'i 
shi), Oira or Wan Oira. In the Yiian shi annals, s. a. 
1204, the Ta-shi Wei-la are stated to have made a league 
with the Naiman and other tribes against Chinghiz Khan. 
Ibidem, s.a. 1208, the submission of the Wa-i-la to Chinghiz 
is reported. That by Ta-shi Wei-la and Wa-i-la the same 
tribe is meant, namely, the Oirats, is corroborated by Eashid- 
eddin, for the Persian historian reports under the same 
afore-mentioned years the league and the submission of 
the Oirats (d'Ohsson, i. 86, 104). In another chapter, 
where Eashid reviews the tribes of the Mongols, he states 
that the Oirats had their seats on eight rivers which unite 
and then form the river Kem (or Yenissei). L. c. i. 424 ; 
Berezin, i. 79. At the time of the Ming the territory 
occupied by the Oirats extended farther to the south- 
west. I may finally say that the Horiads of M. Polo (i. 
291) and the Voyrats of Piano Carpini (631, 708) are 
evidently the same Oirats. 

The Mongols are styled Ta-ta (Tatars) and also Meng- 
gu 8^ in the Ming shi. The history of the Mongols pro- 
perly does not enter into the programme of my investiga- 
tions, but in treating of the Wa-la or Oirats I cannot 
forbear touching also upon the Mongols, who in the 
fifteenth century for many years were ruled by princes 
of the Wa-la. 

*•* Even now-a-days the Mongols are called Meng-gu by the Chinese ; 
hut it Hc.'iiis the other name has also partly survived in the popular 
l;iiiguag»i, which terms the Mongols Ta tz'. 


The Great Geography of the Ming (1461) states that 
the territories of the Ta-ta (or Mongols) extend to the 
east to ^T^-^mTi^-Aa (south-eastern corner of Mongolia; see 
farther on), and border in the west upon T'o-hu-ma^^'^ and 
Sa-ma-rh-kan (Samarkand). To the north they terminate 
with the desert Sha-mo. Regarding the Wa-la the same work 
says only that they live north-west of the desert Sha-mo. 

The account of the Oirats in the Ming shi begins as 
follows : — 

The Wa-la are a Mongol tribe and live west of the 1^ 
Mongols. (In the article Ha-mi, farther on, it is stated f 
that they lived north of Ha-mi, i.e., beyond the T'ien 
shan.) After the expulsion of the Mongols from China 
(a.d. 1368), a high officer of that dynasty, by name Meng- 
Tco Tie-mu-rh, had placed himself at the head of the Wa-la, 
and when he died the people split into three tribes,^^^ the 
chiefs of which were called Ma-ha-mio (Mahmud),^^^ T'ai- 
p'ing, and Ba-Vu F^o-lo. When the Ming dynasty had 
established its power in China, these three chiefs of the 
Wa-la sent embassies with tribute to the Chinese court. 
In 1409 emperor Yunglo bestowed upon them the title 
wang (prince), and named Ma-ha-mu = Shun ning wang, 
Yai-ipmg=IIie7i yi wang, and Ba-t'u Yo-\o= An lo wang. 
The Wa-la seem to have been on good terms with the 
Chinese ; they sent frequently embassies. But subse- 
quently, when the Wa-la princes ruled also over the 
Eastern Mongols, they repeatedly attacked China. 

Before continuing the history of the Wa-la, I give an 
abstract of the history of the Mongols according to the 
Ming shi. 

®^ The ancient Mongol chronicle designates by the name of Togmalc 
the Desht Kipchak or the Khanate of the Golden Horde. See Howorth's 
" Mongols," ii. 283. 

8* Sanang Setzen enumerates four Oirat tribes, Durhcn Oirat, which 
means the four allies or confederates in Mongol. See farther on. 

^^ This name and that of Ismaila Taidji, which occurs in the Altan 
tobchi as that of an Oirat chief, seem to prove that in the period here 
spoken of Islam was spreading among the Oirats. 



When the Yumi or Mongol dynasty had been over- 
thrown (a.d. 1368) by the Ming, the last Mongol ruler 
(Togan temur or Shun ti) escaped from his capital 
(Peking) and fled to Mongolia. He went first to X'ai 
pHng fu (or Shang he), the summer residence of the 
Mongol emperors, and not feeling safe there, afterwards 
continued his flight to Ying chang?^^ where he died in 
the spring of 1370, leaving the Mongol throne to his son 
Ai-yu-shi-li-da-la.^^^ Soon after the host of the Ming 
arrived before Ying ch'ang, the Mongol emperor succeeded 
in escaping and fled to Ho-lin,^^'^ but his son Mai-di-li- 
ha-la w^as captured, as were also the late emperor's wives. 
In 1372 the Ming emperor despatched a considerable army 
under the command of his generalissimo SUu Ta against 
the Mongols. Sti Ta proceeded to the Lu Jcu river,^^^ 
and advanced even as far as the T\i-la and the A-lu-hun 
rivers.^^* But he was beaten by the Mongols. Ai-yu-shi- 

*^ This city was situated on Lake Taal nor, in South-Eastern Mongolia. 
See note 114. 

^^ Sanang Setzen calls him BUihtu Kliakan (the Wise). See Howorth's 
"Mongols," i. 341. 

^^ Karahorum, see note 304. After the expulsion of the Mongols from 
China it became once more the residence of the Mongol khans. The Ming 
Geography, 146 1, in enumerating the ruined cities of Mongolia, gives the 
following notice of the ancient Mongol capital at the end of the article on 
the Ta-ta : — The original name of the city was Ho-lin. West of it was 
the river Ha-la-ho-Un, from which the name was derived. T'ai tsu of the 
Yuan {i.e., Chinghiz) established here his residence. (This seems to be 
an error ; at least the Chinese annals as well as the Persian historians 
Btate that Ogotai Khan, in 1 234, built Karakorum. It may, however, be 
that his father had already encamped on the spot.) It was the capital 
during five reigns. In the reign of Ta te (1297- 1308) the province com- 
prising Ho-lin and other places was established (in Mongolia) with the 
circuit {lu) of Ho-lin, where was the centre of administration. In 1320 
the name of the province was changed. It was then called Ling pel 
(the provinc'^ north of the mountains, i.e., the Yin shan chain, separating 
China proper from Mongolia). The name of the circuit of Ho-lin was 
also changed into Ho niny lu. 

^* Thin is the Chinese name for the Kerulun river in Northern Mongolia. 
Bee note 116. 

*** The Tola river, on which Urga is situated, and the Orkhon. 



li-da-la died in 1378. His son T"o-gu-sz' THe-mu-rh^^^ 
succeeded him, and the Ming emperor sent him an envoy 
to congratulate him on his accession. Subsequently the 
Mongols frequently disturbed the Chinese frontier. In 
1388 the Chinese emperor sent out a great host against 
them. T*o-gu-sz* Tie-mu-rh was completely defeated 
near Lake Pu yil rh hai^^ and fled towards Karakorum. 
When he had gone as far as the T'u-la river he was killed 
by Ye-sio-f ie-rh, a man of his suite. 

After this five Mongol sovereigns, all usurpers, reigned 
successively. Their names are unknown, and they all 
perished by a violent death. Finally K^un fie-mw-rh ^'' 
ascended the throne, and after him Gui-li-clii reigned.^^^ 
He assumed the title k 'o-lian (Khan),^^^ and changed the 
name of the dynasty (from Yuan) to Ta-ta. This hap- 
pened in the beginning of the fifteenth century. 

At that time mention is first made in the Chinese 
annals of that powerful Mongol minister A-lu-tai, who 
for more than thirty years acted an important part in 
Mongol history .^1^ In 1405 he killed Gui-li-ch'i, and 
placed Ben-ya-shi-li, a descendant of the Ylian emperors. 

^^ This seems to be the UssaJchal Khan of Sanang Setzen. Howorth, 
I. c. I 355. 

^ The Lake Taal nor, in South-Eastern Mongolia. See note 114. Pu 
yii rh hai, meaning "fishing-lake," is its Chinese name. Howorth, I. c. 
i. 347, confounds it with Lake Buyiir, in North-Eastern Mongolia. Buyiir 
is a Mongol name. See note 1 18. 

^^ Gun Timur Khan of Sanang Setzen. Howorth, I. c, i. 352. 

•"* Uldjei Timur Khan of Sanang Setzen. O. c. i. 352. 

** Probably the Mongol sovereigns after their expulsion from China had 
first continued to call themselves Chinese Emperors. 

"" I. J. Schmidt is disposed to identify A-lu-t'ai of the Chinese annals 
with the Aroktai of Sanang Setzen. The same name occurs also in the 
Altan tobchi, p. 159, as that of a man of importance, but it is not clear 
who he was. Father Hyacinth makes A-lu-t'ai to be the progenitor of 
the Eleuths (see his "Historical Sketch of the Oirats," p. 13). But these 
views are unfounded. According to the Chinese annals, Tung kien kang 
mu, translated by De Mailla, A-lu-t'ai subsequently took the title of Khan, 
and Howorth {I. c. i. 356) identifies him with the Mongol Khan Adai in 
Sanang Setzen's record. 


who was then in Bie-shi-ha-li (Bishbalik), on the Mongol 

The Chinese emperor sent to the Khan, inviting him to 
acknowledge his supremacy. As Ben-ya-shi-li refused, a 
large Chinese host marched out in 1408 against the Mon- 
gols. Just at that time the Wa-la had got the upper 
hand at the Mongol court, and Ben-ya-shi-li had retired 
with his troops, together with his minister^^-lu-t'ai, to 
the Zu-Jc u (Kerulun river). He was, however, successful, 
and destroyed a body of Chinese troops in 1409. But in 
the next year the emperor Yung lo passed in person the 
Great Wall at the head of half a million of soldiers. Ben- 
ya-shi-li and his minister could not come to an agreement 
as to the plan of defence. They separated ; the khan went 
westward, A-lui-t'ai towards the east. The imperial army 
pursued the khan, and defeated him at the Eiver Wa-nan 
(Onon), and then proceeded to attack his minister, whose 
army was also destroyed at Tsing lu chen. Soon after, 
Ma-ha-mu, the chief of the Wa-la (see above), killed Ben- 
ya-shi-li and placed on the Mongol throne Da-U-ha.^'^^ 
A-lu-t*ai in 141 3 acknowledged the supremacy of the 
Chinese emperor, who bestowed upon him the title of 
prince of Ifo ning. After this he was for his lifetime in 
constant war with Ma-ha-mu. His appointment by the 
Chinese emperor displeased Ma-ha-mu, who withheld 'his 
tribute and collected an army. The emperor upon this 
set out at the head of a large army, defeated Ma-ha-mu, 
and pursued him to the river Tu-la. This was in 14 14. 
The next year Ma-ha-mu sent an embassy to the Chinese 
court and excused himself. In 14 16 A-lu-t'ai defeated 
the Wa-la. When Ma-ha-mu died (in 141 8) he was suc- 
ceeded by his son^X!^=^l*^,®^^ who continued the strife 
with A-lu-t*ai. The Chinese emperor bestowed upon T'o- 
liuan his father's title, Shun ning wang. In 1422 the 

»" Dalhek Khan in the Altau tobchi, p. 158. See also Howorth, I. c. 
i- 354. 
"'•• Togon Taiahi of the Altan tobchi, p. 158. 



Wa-la plundered Ha-mi. When the emperor reprimanded 
them, they sent an embassy and solicited pardon. 

A-lu-t'ai tried at first to be on good terms with China, 
but the emperor did not put great trust in him. Indeed, 
in 1423 intelligence was received that he w^as upon the 
point of making an incursion into China. The emperor 
then once more marched in person against him. On his 
way he learnt that A-lu-t'ai had been completely defeated 
by the Wa-la (T 'o-huan), and had been obliged to retire 
to the river Liao (Southern Manchuria) ; whereupon the 
emperor returned to China. In 1424 the emperor again 
marched against A-lu-t'ai, who had made a raid into 
China, but was not successful, for A-lu-t'ai had hastily 
retired. Inj454 To-huan succeeded in killing his enemy 
A-lu-t'ai and subduing his people. At that time T'o-huan 
had already killed the chiefs of the two other branches of 
the Wa-la and united the whole people of Wa-la. After 
Da-li-ba's death in 1438, he made an attempt to usurp 
the Mongol throne, but the people did not agree, and 
T'^o-fo-hu'hua,^^^ a descendant of the Yuan emperors, was 
placed on the throne. He was a son-in-law of T'o-huan, 
who was then occupying the place of prime minister at 
the Mongol court. When T'o-huan died in 1440, his son 
Ye-sien, chief of the Wa-la, succeeded him as minister at 
the Mongol court, with the title T'ai shi.^'^^ Ye-sien was 
a clever captain and the ruler de facto. In 1449 he set in 
motion a large Mongol host towards China. After passing 
the Great Wall, the Mongols met the Chinese army beyond 
Siian hua fu. A terrible battle took place near Tu mu^^^ 
in which the Chinese were completely defeated. The 

"13 I. J. Schmidt and Howorth, I. c. i. 361, identify him with the 
Taisong Khan of Sanang Setzen. 

'1* In the Altan tobchi he is. termed J-Jsaen Taishi. Taishi is properly 
a Chinese title adopted by the Mongols. It occurs frequently in the 
Altan tobchi, and seems to be identical with "prince." It is the same as 
Taidji in the Kalmuk pedigrees given by Pallas (see farther on). 

""^ T'u mu is still the name of a place on the road from Peking to 
Kalgan, west of Buai lai hien. 


emperor Ting tsung, who had imprudently advanced, was 
made prisoner and kept in Mongolia for nearly two years.®^^ 
The Mongols advanced as far as Peking, but were not able 
fol;ake the capital. Soon after, Ye-sien, who by this cam- 
paign had come to great power, assassinated T*o-t'o-bu-hua 
and took possession of the Mongol throne. But his tyranny 
caused dissatisfaction among the Mongols. He was put 
to death by a Mongol, A-la-chi-yuan, who had a grudge 
against him, in 1455. The latter was assassinated by 
Bo-lai, and finally Ma-rh-U o-la?^'^ the son of T^o-fo-hu- 
hua, was placed on the Mongol throne, with the title Siao 
wang tsz' (in Chinese =: little king, regulus), by which 
thenceforth the Mongol rulers are designated in the 
Chinese annals. Ma-rh-k*o-la transferred the seat of the 
Mongol government and his residence to the south of the 
Great Desert, to the pasture-lands bordering upon the 
Great Wall, and from there the Mongols spread- westward 
over the Ordos. _The history of the Mongols and .their 
frequent wars with China are treated of at length in the 
Ming History down to the middle of the seventeenth 

As to the Wa-la, their influence in Mongolia was broken 
with the death of Ye-sien, and their people were dispersed. 
Ye-sien's son Ho-rh-hu-dai with his people settled on 
the river Gan-gan, whilst his brother Bo-du-wan and his 
nephew Wu-hun took their abode in Ha mi. In 1459 
the Chinese emperor bestowed titles upon them. The 
Ming shi reports that in the reign of T'ien shun (1457-65) 
the Wa-la prince A-shi fie-mu-rh, a grandson of Ye-sien, 
repeatedly sent tribute to the Chinese court. In 1472 
the Wa-la, together with Ha mi and Turfan, sent an 
embassy to the Chinese court. The emperor refused the 

•"* The capture of the Chinese emperor by Esseri Taishi is related also 
with some details in the Altan tobchi, p. 173. The emperor is termed 
there Tai nteng Djin tei Khan. Probably T'ai Ming (Great Ming), Cheng 
tung ( Ying taung's reign), is intended. 

•*' Howorth, I. c. i. 367, identifies him with the Molon Khan of Sanang 



tribute they presented, summoning the chiefs to appear in 
person. In 1 5 1 8 the Wa-la prince Bo-liu, profiting by an 
expedition the Sultan of Turf an, A-hei-ma, had undertaken 
towards Su chou, attacked and ravaged Turf an. In 1 5 30 he 
was defeated by the ruler of Turfan, and subsequently he 
suffered also a defeat from the ruler of Hami, and found 
himself constrained to offer his submission to the Chinese 
emperor, who, however, refused his protection. This is, in 
short, the history of the Oirats in the Ming period. 

The Western Mongols or Oirats, whom the Chinese 
annalists of the Ming period term Wa-la, are noticed by 
the Mohammedan writers of the same period under the 
name of ICalmaJcs, and even now-a-days this people is 
known in Europe by the same name, which is more gene- 
rally written KalmuJc. But this appellation is not native, 
and the origin of it has hitherto not been satisfactorily 
explained. (Comp. Howorth, /. c. i. 496.) 

The Arab geographer Ibn Alvardi (+ 1349) seems to 
be the first Mohammedan author w^ho mentions the Kal- 
maks (d'Herbelot, " Bibl. Or." siih Jagiouge et Magiouge). 
The Zafer nameh (iv. 6) states that in 1 398, when Timur 
was on the way to Hindustan, and encamped near Kabul, 
Taizi Aglen ^^^ of the kingdom of Kalmak, who, for some 
difference which had happened between him and the 
Khan at Ulug Yurt,^^^ had fled, came to this place to lay 
himself at the feet of the throne. Abulghazi Bahadur 
Khan, in his " History of the Moguls " (p. 36), reports that 
he himself had spent, in the middle of the seventeenth 
century, a whole year among the Kalmaks. 

As we have seen, according to the Ming history, the 
Wa-la or Oirats lived north of Ha mi, beyond the T'ien 

»^8 See Tai ski, note 914. Aglen in the Djagatai Turkish language 
means "prince of the blood." 

^^8 Petis de la Croix translates " the Great Horde of the Mogol Khans 
of Kalmak." 


shan mountains ; the Ming Geography says north-west of 
^he Sha mo desert. In the Mongol traditions the sacred 
mountain of Bogdo ula (see note i6i) is frequently men- 
tioned in connection with the Oirats. The Great Geo- 
graphy of the present dynasty in the section on the 
Mongols identifies the Mongol tribe Wu-la-te, now living 
north-west of the Ordos (the Urads ; see Ho worth, I. c. 
i. 446 and map), with the Wa-la of the Ming, and states 
that they settled there in the beginning of the Ming 
dynasty. I am not prepared to decide whether there is 
any foundation for this assertion. 

The Chinese authors of the present dynasty write the 
name of the Oirats generally Wei-la- fe or O-lu-f e,wheiice the 
spelling Eleiith, first adopted by Father Gaubil, is derived. 

Eegarding the history of the Oirats, or Eleuths, or 
Kalmuks, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a 
considerable amount of information is found in Mongrol 
and Chinese literature, and has for the greater part been 
made accessible to European scholars. I may notice the 
following works dealing with the Eleuths and Kalmuks : — 

De Mailla's "Histoire de la Chine," 1776, vols. xi. xii. 
" Le pays de Tse vang raptan roi des Eleuths, par le pere 
Gaubil," 1726. "Conqu^te du royaume des Eleuths par 
I'empereur K'ien long, par le pere Amiot " (" Mem. cone. 
Chin.," i. (1776), p. 325 se^.). Pallas, " Historische Nach- 
richten liber die Mongolischen Volkerschaften," 1776. In 
this work a whole chapter is devoted to the history of 
the Kalmuks, the information having been gathered 
directly from the Kalmuks at the Eussian frontier. Pal- 
las, therefore, is an independent authority ; he had never 
seen the Mongol annals of Sanang Setzen, and depends 
entirely upon the oral traditions of the Kalmuks. 

In 1834 the Eussian sinologue Father Hyacinth pub- 
lished a " Historical Sketch of the Oirats or Kalmyks." 
This book is of little worth. Hyacinth, not having then 
access to the Ming shi, translated the fragmentary ac- 
counts of the Oirats found in the Si yil t'ung wen chi, a 



work published by order of emperor K'ien lung in 1763, 
a geographical and historical dictionary of Central Asia, 
in which the proper names are given in six languages, 
viz., Chinese, Manchu, Mongol, Eleuth, Tibetan, Turkish. 
There is considerable confusion in Hyacinth's views and 

A very valuable article, dealing with the same matter, 
was published in 1880 by V. Uspensky (now Eussian 
)onsul at Kuldja) in his account of the country of Kuke- 
lor, in the " Memoirs of the Eussian Geogr. Soc." (Ethnogr. 
section), vi. Uspensky has made use for his historical 
and geographical investigations not only of the Ming shi, 
but also of many little-known or rare Chinese historical 
records of the last or the present dynasty. He draws a 
great deal of interesting and new information regarding 
the Mongols and Oirats from the Meng ku yu mu ki, a 
geographical and historical account of Mongolia, published 
in 1859, ^^d the Si yil kao ku lu, a collection of historical 
matters referring to the countries of the west, likewise 
compiled in our days. 

Professor A. Pozdneyeff, of the St. Petersburg Univer- 
sity, in 1883 translated the Mongol annals Erdeniin 
erikhe into Eussian, and accompanied his translation with 
. very valuable notes. These annals refer especially to the 
history of the Khalkhas in Northern Mongolia down to 
the year 1736, but include also the history of the Eleuths, 
who were at constant war with the Khalkhas, their eastern 
neighbours, and the Chinese. 

I would finally notice here H. Howorth's " History of 
the Mongols," 1876. In vol. i. chap. ix. the author gives 
an admirable historical account of the Western Mongols, 
which occupies a prominent place in the rank of critical 
investigations on the subject. 

It has been noticed above that the Ming History speaks 
of three tribes into which the Oirats were divided in the 
beginning of the fifteenth century. Sanang Setzen, refer- 
ring to the same period, terms this people Durben Oirat, 


" the four Oirats," and names these four sections Kergud, 
Baglmtud, Khoit, and Oghelet (Ho worth, /. c. i. 558). No 
mention is made in the Altan tobchi of a division of the 
Oirats. The Chinese historians of the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries, like Sanang Setzen, mention four 
Oirats, sz 0-la te, but apply to them other names : Choros 
(Dzungars), Dicrhet, Turgiit, Khoshot (v. infra). These 
latter names for the four Oirats are found also in the oral 
traditions of the Kalmuks, collected by Pallas. 

The term Durben Oirat has generally been translated 
by " the four allies " (Eemusat, Schmidt, and others), but 
Galsang Gamboyeff suggests that the name Oirat may 
perhaps be derived from oi orat, "people living in the 
forests." Besides this, Uspensky observes that Durben, 
meaning "four" in Mongol, was also the name of a 
Mongol tribe, which, as he proves from a statement of 
Eashid-eddin, in the days of Chinghiz Khan was allied to 
the Oirats. Eashid speaks of a chief of the Oirats called 
Kutuga Biki, who belonged to the tribe of Durben (Bere- 
zin, i. no; d'Ohsson, i. 86). 

According to the information gathered by Uspensky 
from Chinese sources, the Oirats, pressed by the ruler of 
Turf an, began, towards the end of the sixteenth century, 
to emigrate southward. One part of them reached Si-ning 
(east of Lake Kukenor), and subsequently settled north of 
the Nan shan (Southern Mountains). In 1638 the emigra- 
tion of the Khoshots, one of the dominant tribes of the 
Oirats, to Kukenor is recorded. 

According to Pallas {v. supra), the Oelots or Kalmuhs 
are divided into four tribes, viz., Khoshot, Derbet, Soongar, 
and Target. But farther on he speaks of a fifth one, Khoit. 
He gives the pedigrees of the ruling khans of these tribes. 
I may be allowed to give for comparison some Chinese 
accounts on the same matter. 

The above-mentioned Si yli t'ung wen chi (see chap. 



vii.-xi.) states that the tribe of Djun-ga-rh (Dzongar) com- 
prises the four Wei-la-t'e (Oirats) who in ancient times 
lived north of the Tien shan. The four Oirats then are 
enumerated as follows : — 

1. Clio-lo-sz' (Chores). 

2. Bu-rh-ho-V e (the Derbet of Pallas). 

3. Euo-shi-te (the Khoshot of Pallas). 

4. Hui~fe (the Khoit of Pallas). 

The detailed genealogical tables of the Khans (or Tai- 
shi or Tai-tsi, as they were generally called ; see note 914) 
of these tribes, as found in the Chinese work, when com- 
pared with Pallas' list, prove that both have been compiled 
from about the same sources. The names of the Khans in 
both lists agree in a general way. The Chinese tables are 
more complete. The tribe GKo-lo-sz (Chores) is not found 
in Pallas' table, but the names in the pedigree given for 
this tribe in the Chinese list agree with the Soongarr Khans 
of Pallas. Indeed, the Dsongars, as is known, were a branch 
of the Chores. 

Some new information on the same subject is found in 
the Sheng wu Jci, a descriptive account of the various mili- 
tary operations of the present dynasty. We read there, 
chap, iii., under the head of " Emperor Kang hi's expedi- 
tion against the Djungars," the following notice regarding 
the Eleuths :— 

The 04u t'^e (Eleuths) are of Me7ig-gu (Mongol) extraction. 
When the Mongol dynasty in China had been overthrown, 
the Mongol people split into three branches. One of them 
lived south of the desert, and continued to be called Meng- 
gu; another branch lived north of the desert, and they 
called themselves K'o-rh-Jco (Khalkhas). Both (i.e., the 
ruling khans of both tribes) are descendants of Chinghiz. 
A third branch dwell westward. They do not descend 
from Chinghiz, but they trace their origin back to T'o- 
himn T'ai shi and Ye-sien, K'o-han (Khan) of the Wa-la;^^^ 
and the Wa-la are the same tribe we now call 0-lu-fe 

'-" To-huan, 1415-40; Ye-sien, 1440-55. See above. 


(Eleuths) and the four Wei-la- fe (Oirats). After this the 
names of the four Oirat tribes are given as follows : — 

1. The Clio-lo-sz (Choros), who have their pasture-land 
in I-li. 

2. The Du-rh-ho-f e, who dwell on the river U-rh-tsi-sz 

3. The ru-rh-Jm-fe (Turguts),^^! in T a-rli-ha-lm-f ai. 

4. The Ho-shi-fe (Khoshots), in Wu-lu-mvAsi (Urum- 
tsi). Towards the end of the Ming dynasty one branch of 
the Ho-shi-t'e emigrated to Tsing hai (Kukenor). 

The tribe of the Ch'o-lo-sz' had a powerful ruler, ITun- 
fai-gi, who died under the reign of Kang hi.^^^ His son, 
Ga-rh-dan^'^^ when he ascended the throne, assumed the 
title Djun-ga-rh Khan. 

This is, it seems, the first time that the name Dsungar 
appears in the Chinese annals. The meaning of this name 
in Mongol is "the left hand," and also "eastern wing" 
(of the tribe). Dsungar is, therefore, not, as is generally 
believed, the name of a tribe, but rather a descriptive 
term. Even now-a-days all the Mongol tribes living in 
Mongolia consist of a rif;^ht and a left winc^. We know 
that the Dsungars, who became powerful in the second 
half of the seventeenth century, and who dominated over 
the tracts we are accustomed to call Dsunf^aria, belono^ed 
to the Choros, who, as we have seen, form one of the 
great sections into which the Eleuths are divided. In 

^'^ These Turguts in 1703 left their original seats in Dsungaria and 
emigrated westward. Peter the Great allowed them to occupy the steppes 
between the Volga and the Emba. In 171 2, the Chinese emperor Kang 
hi despatched "an envoy to the Khan of the Torguts, who then lived near 
the Elton lake, east of Tsaritsin and the Volga. An account of this 
enii>assy, 1712-15, has been given by Tu li shen, in a narrative entitled 
/ //■' /'/ An English translation of it by Sir George Thomas Staunton 
i«;d in 1 82 1. In 177 1 the same Turguts returned again to 
I which then had been conquered by the Ciiinese. 

'/ JJaatur Kong taichi. According to Pallas, he died in 1665. 
ii iLli, I. c. i. 620. 
"■■^ O'aldan, the famous chief of the Eleuths, who waged war with the 
Khalkha Mongolg and with the emperor Kanghi, and who died in 1696. 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



the great expedition sent in 1755 by the Chinese emperor 
K'ien lung to the Hi country to destroy the head-quarters 
of the Dsungars, this tribe was nearly exterminated by the 
emperor's troops. 


Ming shi, chap, cccxxviii. 

This country is situated south of the Hei lung hiang 
(Amur river), and north of the defile Yil yang sai.^^^ 

The Ming Geography states that the country of Wu- 
liang-ha borders to the east upon ITai si,^^^ to the west upon 
K^ai ping,^^^ to the north upon Pei hai (Northern Sea). 

At the time of the Han dynasty this was the country of 
the Sien pi; in the T'ang period the Thc-gu-Jmn dwelt in 
it, and at the time of the Sung the KH-tan (or Liao) occu- 
pied these tracts.^^^ During the Yuan period it formed the 
northern part of the circuit (department) Ta ning lu.^^^ 

A.D. i^^^ the emperor Hung wu established in this 
country three wei or military districts,^^^ viz., To-yen, 
-F^frfil^ and T'ai ning. 

*24 There is a defile of this name in the mountains north of Kukokhoto. 
But the country of Wu-liang-ha did not extend so far west. 

'-^ According to the Ming Geography, Hai-si was the name of a district 
in the territory of the Nu-chi (see farther on), who were the eastern neigh- 
bours of Wu-liang-ha. 

^^^ The same as Shang tu, Kubilai Khan's summer residence in South- 
Eastem Mongolia. 

^^ See regarding these people Klaproth's " Tabl, Hist, de I'Asie." 

*28 See note 930. 

*-'' In order to protect the empire against the invasions of their trouble- 
some neighbours, the Ming had established at the frontiers, on the points 
most exposed to danger, a number of wei or military posts, on which gene- 
rally districts of more or less extent depended. About fifty ivei are enu- 
merated in the geographical section of the Ming shi at the frontiers of 
China proper, namely, in Liao tung, Chi li, Shan si, Shen si, Kan su, 
Sz'ch'uan, and even in Yiin nan. Besides this line of defence, the Chinese 
tried to establish a second one in the adjacent countries not strictly subject 
to China, but where the tribes had acknowledged Chinese supremacy. In the 
section of foreign nations in the Ming shi, fifteen of these wei or military 
stations, or rather districts beyond China, are spoken of, viz., three in 
South-Eastem Mongolia and Manchuria, eleven in the tract between the 
T'ien shan mountains and Tibet (in ancient Uiguria), and four in the 


To-yen extends from Ta 7iing ^^^ southward to Si feng 
Icou^^^ and Siian huafu. 

jTai ning comprises Kin chou, I chou, Kuang ning^'^'^ 
and extends as far as the Liao river. 

Fu-yil stretches from Huang ni wa (the puddle of yellow 
mud)^^^ to Shen yang (Mukden), T'ie ling, and K'ai yuan 
(both north-east of Mukden). 

These military districts were ruled by the chiefs of their 
own people, but depended on the Ming. The Mongols 
frequently overran this country, especially during the 
])eriod when the Oirat chief Ye-sien ruled over Mongolia. 
The Chinese annals report also several revolts of Wu- 
liang-ha against China. I omit the details. 

It appears from the above statements that the country 
of Wu-liang-ha in the Ming period comprised a part of 
Southern Manchuria (Shen king), and the south-eastern 
part of Mongolia, east of the Hing an mountain chain, and 
north of the Great Wall. I am not able to give any satis- 
factory explanation of the name Wu-liang-ha. I may, 
however, observe, that in the Yuan period it was applied 
to the Mongol tribe of the Orianguts (Urankhit), noticed 
by Eashid-eddin (Berezin, i. 141). Howorth, on his mediae- 
val map of Mongolia, locates them between the Upper 
Yenissei and Lake Baikal. Eubruck (327) calls them 
Ore7igai. Now-a-days a Mongol tribe called Uranga or 

country south-east of Lake Kukenor. These districts were ruled by native 
chiefs, upon whom the Chinese emperor bestowed Chinese titles and ranks. 
The chief of Hami, the largest and most important of these tvei, had the title 
wang or prince (translated sometimes by "king"), whilst the chiefs of the 
smaller military districts were raised to more or less elevated Chinese mili- 
tary ranks. Generally they received the rank of chi hui in different grada- 
tions, which in the days of the Ming denoted superior officers, or they were 
appointed ts'ien hu, or captains of a thousand. 

»^ According to the Ta ts'ing I t'ung chi, the ruins of the city of Ta ning 
lie 560 li north-east of the defile of Si feng k'ou, and loo li south of the left 
wing of the aimak of Khortsin, on the northern bank of the River Lo ha. 

*^^ This is the name of one of the gates in the Great Wall towards the 
Gulf of Pechili. 

*" All these names can be found on modern maps south-west of Mukden. 

••• Unknown to me ; probably in Northern Manchuria. 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



Urianghai is found in the Chinese Altai west of Kobdo. 
(Klaproth's map of Asia ; Potanin's "Mongolia," ii. 34). In 
Hamel van Gorcum's " Account of his Captivity in Corea/' 
1653-66 (Ritter's "Erdk.," iv. 646), the curious statement 
occurs that the Manchu Tatars are called Tiekse and Oran- 
kay by the Coreans. The " Dictionnaire Coreen-fran^ais," 
published in 1880 by the missionaries, however, states 
(p. 56) that the term o-rang-Jchai is applied by the Coreans 
to all foreigners. 

In the Ming Geography (1461), chap. Ixxxix, there is an 
article on the Nu-chi or Churches who in the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries had ruled over the northern part of 
China under the name of the Kin dynasty (see note 574). 
After their expulsion from China by the Mongols in 1234, 
they continued to live in their original abode in Manchuria. 
It is known that the actually reigning Manchu dynasty 
traces its origin back to the Nli-chi. The Ming Geography 
states that the Nu-chi live east of Wu-liang-ha, and border 
to the south upon CKao sien (Corea). Northward their 
country stretches to the northern sea of Nu-rh-gan, east- 
ward to the sea. When the Kin reigned, they had in this 
country one of their residences, Shang king (Upper Resi- 
dence) or Hui ning fu.^^^ After the Yiian had overthrown 
the Kin, the former established in the country of the 
Nu-chi five wan hufu (military posts of 10,000) to protect 
the northern frontier, viz., at Tao-wen, Hn-li-gai, 0-do-lin, 
T^o-wo-lin, and Po-Uu kiang, situated south and north of 
the ffun-fung river. The country was inhabited by the 
Nii-chi and the Shui Ta-ta (Water Tatars),^^^ and formed 
the circuits of Ho-lan-fu ^^ and Shui Ta-ta. 

^** According to the Chinese Geography of the present dj-nasty, the ruins 
of this ancient city are found 60 li south-west of Ninguta, on the right bank 
of the River Hurha. 

'^ Comp. Piano Carpini, 645 : " Su Mongol, i.e. aquatici, ipsi autem se 
ipsos Tartaros appellabant a quodam fluvio qui currit per terram illorum." 
See also Rubruck, 327, Su Moals or Water Moals. 

•3* Uo-lan, the name of a river. 


In the Ming period, under the reign of Yung lo, in 
1409, after these tribes had acknowledged Chinese supre- 
"macy, a Chinese governorship was established there at 
Nu-rh-gan with 184 wci (military districts) and 20 tsien 
1m su (military posts of 1000) subordinate to it. All these 
places are enumerated there, and besides this the names of 
about sixty other districts, cities, and rivers of the same 
country are given. 

After this the Ming Geography enumerates the principal 
mountains and rivers of the country of the ISTii-chi, and gives 
more or less detailed accounts of them, as also of the pro- 
ductions of the country. We find here the first description 
of the celebrated mountain CKang po shan (Long White 
Mountain), the cradle-land of the now reigning Manchu 
dynasty. This mountain is said there to be situated in the 
district of Hui ningfu (see note 934). It is 200 li high, 
60 broad, and 1000 li long. On its summit there is a lake 
80 li in circumference. Three rivers flow from this moun- 
tain, the Ya-lu to the south, the Hun t'ung (Sungari) to 
the north, and the A-ye-Jcu (probably the Tumen river is 
meant) to the east. The Ch'ang po shan was already 
famed in the Kin period. The name occurs repeatedly 
in the history of the Kin dynasty. I omit the other 
details of this interesting ancient account of Manchuria, 
which does not come within the province of my investi- 



Thus the rest of the section on foreign countries in the 
Ming shi, chap, cccxxix.-cccxxxii., is headed. It com- 
prises, besides Tibet and some countries of Hindustan, 
Eastern and Western Turkestan, Western Asia, &c. 


The chap, cccxxix. of the Ming shi begins with a long 
article on the military district of Ha mi or Khamul. 

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According to these accounts, Hami lies 1600 li west (mis- 
print for north-west) of Kia yii huan.^^'^ 

Hami borders north ^^^ on the country of the Wa-la 
(Oirats), west on Tu-lu-fan (Turfan) and Huo chou (Kara- 
khodjo), south on Sha cJiou, Han-dung, CKi-ghin, &c.^^^ 
Fifteen hundred li south-east of Hami is the city of Su chou. 

At the time of the Han dynasty this was the country of 
I-wu-lu, where the emperor Ming ti (a.d. 58-76) established 
a military district and a military colony. During the 
T'ang dynasty (618-907) it was known under the name of 
I chou. In the Sung period (eleventh and twelfth cen- 
turies) it belonged to the Hui-ho (Uigurs). At the end 
of the Yiian dynasty (overthrown in 1368) a prince of 
the Wei-wu (Uigurs), by name Na-hu4i, ruled over this 
country. He had also the title of Sn wang{-^vmcQ of Su). 
When he died, his brother An-Jco fie-mu-rJi succeeded 

Hami is a place of great importance, all the envoys 
(from the West) who proceed to the Chinese court being 

^'^ As has been noticed in note 883, Kia yii Jcuan from early centuries 
was the starting-point for Chinese military expeditions and travellers pro- 
ceeding to Central and Western Asia, and even India. It was generally 
believed that this fortress lies in a defile ; but this supposition is a mistake, 
as my friend Colonel Matusowsky, who visited the place in 1875, explained 
to me. The small fortress of Kia yii kuan is situated about seventeen 
miles north-west of Su chou fu, on a river which comes out from the 
southern mountains, and running in a north-easterly direction, discharges 
itself into the Tao lai river, an affluent of the Etsina river. Whilst this ele- 
vated mountain chain, at the foot of which the fortress has been laid out, 
represents south of the latter an insurmountable barrier, the land north of 
Kia yii kuan is an inhospitable desert, destitute of water. This geographi- 
cal disposition explains the importance of the place, situated upon the only 
practicable way leading from China to Eastern Turkestan. As has been 
stated above, the Great Chinese Wall terminates near Kia yii kuan, ac- 
cording to Lieutenant Kreitner, who accompanied Count B. Szechenyi on 
his expedition to Tibet, and visited Kia yii kuan in 1879, about fifty li 
south of this fortress, in the Nan slum mountains (Kreitner's " Im Fernen 
Oaten," pp. 641, 642). 

^'^ There are several mistakes in the Ming shi regarding the frontiers of 
Hami, which I correct from the Ming Geography. 

^•'^ On all these districts see farther on. 



obliged to pass through Hami. It is a bulwark of the 
western frontier.^*^ 

The population of Hami belongs to three nations, viz., 
Hui-hui (Mohammedans), Wei-ww-rh (thus the Uigurs 
were termed by the Chinese authors of the Mongol period), 
and Ha-la-hui (unknown to me). Besides these, the tribes 
of Siao-le-Vu and Me-Uo-li ^^^ are mentioned in the moun- 
tains north-east of Hami. 

I insert here some accounts which the Ming Geography 
(1461), chap. Ixxxix., gives on the mountains, rivers, and 
productions of the district of Hami. 

The THen shan (Celestial Mountain) lies north of the city 
of Hami. It is also known under the name of Siie shan 
(Snowy Mountain). In the language of the Fan (foreigners) 
it is termed Dje-lo-man. In times past the Hiung-nu (the 
ancient inhabitants of Mongolia), when they crossed this 
mountain, used to descend from their horses and pray. 
South of it, at a distance of two li, is a salt lake. 

The mountain Ma tsung shan (horse's mane's moun- 
tain) lies at the south-eastern frontier of Hami. In the 
vicinity is the defile Wang hiang ling. On the summit, 
in a niche in the rock, is an inscription referring to Li 

The river Wei-wu-rh is 1 30 li and more east of the city 
of Hami. The banks of this river are very sandy, and 
plenty of willow trees grow there. 

The Niang tz' tsiian (Lady's spring) is east of the Wei- 
wu-rh river. The hu people (Turks) call it K^o-t^un hu-la 

•** In the History of the Posterior Han (first century of our era) it is 
ftated that I-wu-lu (Hami) is the key to the Si yii (Western countries). 
It belonged originally to the Hiung nu, but in a.d. 73 the Chinese troops 
conquered it. 

"^^ This name occurs several times in the Ming shi. In the article Han- 
dung (see farther on) this tribe is called Ye-me-k'o-li, which may also be 
read Wild Me-k'o-li. It is stated there that they live two days' journey 
north-east of Hami. 

•*^ The mountain Ma tsung shan and the inscription of Li ling are men- 
tioned in Wang Yen te's narrative, a.d. 982. Li ling was a Chinese gene- 
ral, who, in B.C. 99, was defeated and made prisoner by the Hiung nu. 

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(Khatun bulak). In the T'ang period an Uigur princess 
used to live here. The ruins of the city can still be seen. 
There is also a pond with a hot spring. 

The river Ifo-lo diuan flows at the south-eastern 
frontier of Hami. At the time of the T'ang an Uigur 
princess used to live here. The ruins of the city can still 
be seen. There is also a pond with a hot spring. (This 
account is taken from a Chinese itinerary of the Sung 
period, quoted by De Guignes, Huns i. 37.) 

The river Kan lu diuan (see note 1055) is 300 li nortli- 
west of Hami. 

After this the Ming Geography enumerates the pro- 
ducts of Hami, viz., horses, camels, sheep with large tails, 
wheat, millet, wan tou (common peas), hiang tsao (fragrant 
jujube),^*^ tsiu-tsz (fruit of Crataegus), Az6 funglii^^^ yin ya 

^3 I think we have to read sha tsao (sand jujube), which is the Chinese 
name for the fruit of several species of Elaeagnus, a very common fruit in 
Central Asia. 

*^ This product, an exudation from the tree hu tung, has already been 
noticed in Wang Yen te's narrative, A.D. 982. It was known in China 
much earlier. The Pen tsao hang mu, chap, xxxiv., which writes more 
correctly hu tung lei (tears of the hu t'ung tree), quotes an author of the 
T'ang period, who states that the exudation is caused by an insect, and 
that the tree resembles the tree t'ung (Paulownia imperialis). Another 
author of the seventh century reports that the leaves of the hu t'ung tree 
(literally foreign t'ung tree) resemble the leaves of the poplar tree. The 
author of the Si yii wen kien lu, who visited Turkestan in the second half 
of the last century, in giving an account of the products of Central Asia 
(chap. vii. fol. 9), writes that the characters hu-t'ung here are intended to 
render a foreign word which means "fuel." The tree grows abundantly 
everywhere on sandy places, and sometimes forms forests extending for 
several tens of li. Generally it grows crookedly, and is not fit for wood- 
work, and even when the stem rises straight, the wood is not durable. 
The Mohammedans call this tree hu-t'ung, owing to its being fit only for 
firing stoves. In the hot season the sap of the tree flows down into the 
sand, and after hardening resembles amber. It is called then hu-t'ung li 
(hu-t'ung tears). The stem is covered with a white powder like flour, 
which is called hu-t'ung kien (kien = soda). The Si yii t'u chi gives t'u-hu- 
la-k'o {tugurak) as the local name of the hu-t'ung tree. 

In Dr. A. Kegel's account of his journey to Turf an (Peterm. " Geogr. 
Mitth.," 1881, p. 382) I find the following short notice referring to the tree 
in question :— The desert poplar Popvlus eupfiratica, called durangun or tug- 
rak by the natives, is a very useful tree in the waterless deserts, where it 


kae^^^ jade ; pin fie, a kind of iron (or rather steel) yielded 
by the cJii fie shi (stone which eats iron), magnetic iron 

We may now return to the records of the Ming shi, re- 
lating the history of Hami. 

After the Ming emperor Hung wu had obtained the 
allegiance of the Wei-wu-rh (Uigurs) ,^*^ he established 
military stations in An-ting, A-dic-an, K^il-sien, &c., and 
sent also an officer to An-k'o fie-mu-rh to make known 
the imperial manifestos. An-k'o t'ie-mu-rh was well- 
disposed and despatched to the Chinese emperor an 
envoy, who arrived in 1403, and brought 190 horses as 
tribute. Besides this, the ruler of Hami sold to the 
Chinese government 4710 horses from Hami. In 14 10 he 
sent again tribute, and the emperor Yung lo bestowed 
upon him the title Chung shun uMug (faithful and obedient 
prince), and gave him a golden seal. But in the next 
year An-k*o t*ie-mu-rh was poisoned by the (Mongol) 
Khan Gui-li-cKi. By imperial order An-k'o t'ie-mu-rh's 
nephew To-fo, who had spent his time of youth in China 
as a prisoner of war, succeeded him and inherited his 
father's title. In 1406 a (Chinese) military station {wei) 
was established in Hami. T*o-t*o was ill-disposed against 
China and offended the emperor's envoys. Besides this, 
he was given to drinking and neglected the ruling of 
liis country. The people revolted. The emperor sent 
an ofi&cer to warn him, but before the latter had reached 

sometimes covers great areas. It seldom grows more than thirty feet in 
height. Its wood, like that of the saxaul (Holoxylon), is unfit for any 
other use than for fuel. In Balfour's " Cyclopaedia of India " I find that 
Populus euphratica is known by the name of ho tung. 

»*^ Hartshorn. 

•*• Already mentioned in Wang Yen te's narrative. See also note 395. 

'*' As has been already noticed in a previous chapter, since the time of 
the Mongols the Uigurs were known to the Chinese historians under the 
name of Wei-wu-rh. The country of the Uigurs then comprised Bishbalig 
(Urumtsi), and the tract situated between the T'ien shan and Kukenor, 
and even a part of Tibet. 

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Hami, T'o-t'o had died, a.d. 1410. His cousin T'u-li 
fie-mu-rh succeeded him with the Chinese title of Chung 
i wang (faithful and righteous prince). He died in 1425. 
The emperor confirmed T'o-t o's son Bu-da-shi-li as Chung 
shun wang, but owing to his minority, To-huan fie-mu-rh, 
a brother of T'u-li t'ie-mu-rh, was associated with him 
with the title Chung i wang. The latter died in 1437. 
His son T'o-t'o fa-mu-rh succeeded, but died a short time 
after. Bu-da-shi-li died also, and then his son Dao-wa- 
da-shi-li took the reign of Hami with the title Chung 
shun wang. All these princes had sent every year tribute 
to the Chinese court. Under Dao-wa-da-shi-li's reign, 
Ye-sien, Khan of the Wa-la (Oirats), twice took Hami and 
made Dao-wa-da-shi-li's mother and his wives prisoners, 
A.D. 1440 and 1445. Dao-wa-da-shi-li died in 1457. His 
brother and successor, Bu-lie-go, reigned until 1460, and 
as he died without leaving a son, his mother, Nu-wen-da- 
shi-li, took charge of the regency. The people could not 
come to terms as to the election of a new ruler, nor did 
they wish that the country should be governed by a 
woman. Disturbances broke out, and in 1463 the prin- 
cess-dowager was obliged to retire to K^u yil.^^^ In 1472, 
Ba-f a-mu-rh, a grand-nephew of fo-huan t''ie-mii-rh,^Q.s> 
appointed by the emperor to rule as a governor over the 
district of Hami, but he died in the same year, and his 
son Han cUen was appointed governor of Hami. At 
that time, Su-t^an A-li (Sultan Ali) of T*u-lu-fan (Turfan) 
arrived before Hami, captured and plundered the city, 
and seized the golden seal (granted by the Chinese 
emperor). He took also prisoner the princess-dowager, 
and carried her along with him. All's brother-in-law, 
Ya-lan, was left to govern Hami. The Chinese military 
station was then transferred to the newly built city K^ic 
yil. In 1473 the Chinese emperor gave orders to Li Wen, 
commander-in-chief in Su chou, to raise troops in the 

'** The city of K'u yil is marked on modern Chinese maps about \oo li 
west of Yii men hien, north lat. 39°. 


military districts of Ch"i-ghin, Han-dung, among the Me 
k"o li, and other tribes, and direct them against Ali. In 
winter this host advanced as far as the river Bu-lung- 
(ji-rh?^^ but did not venture to attack the enemy, and 
returned. The tribes of the Wei-wu-rh and the Me-Jco-li 
were also transferred to K'u yli. 

In 1482, Han-ch'en, who had also his residence in K u 
yii, rallied the troops of Ch'i-ghin and Han-dung, num- 
bering together with his own people ten thousand men, 
and suddenly attacked Hami. Ya-lan fled, and Han 
ch*en entered the city. In 1488 the title of Chung shun 
wang was bestowed upon him. Meanwhile Sultan Ali had 
died (1478). His successor, A-hei-ma, in 1488 appeared 
before Hami, and, under the pretence of proposing a 
marriage with Han-ch'en's daughter, enticed him out 
and killed him. After this, A-hei-ma took possession 
of Hami, but in the next year he was obliged to give it 
back. Han-ch*en's successor was Shan-ha, a descendant 
of T'o-t*o's nephew. In 1493 he was made prisoner by 
A-hei-ma, who once more captured Hami. In 1495 the 
city was retaken by the troops of Ku yii, Ch*i-ghin, 
Han-dung, but Shan-ba was released only two years later. 
He died in 1505. His son Bai-ya-dsi, who succeeded 
him, assumed the title Su-fan (Sultan). He was an in- 
capable ruler. In 15 13 Su-t*an Man-su-rh of Turfan took 
possession of Hami, and since that time the Chinese lost 
their influence there. 

Hami depended on Turfan down to* the year 1696, when, 
according to the Chinese annals of the present dynasty, 
the chief of Hami, Beg Abdullah, acknowledged the supre- 
macy of emperor Kang hi. See Remusat's " Extension de 
I'Empire Chinois," &c. 

I may finally notice that, in the " Mcmoires cone, les 
Chinois " (xiv. 242, 245, 247), Amiot has translated four 

•*• The river Bulungir is marked on modern Chinese maps 40° north 
lat., between Kia yii kuan and Hami. 

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letters written by the princes of Hami or their envoys to 
the Chinese emperors. 

As regards Western sources of information in the Ming 
period referring to Hami, we may mention the narrative 
of Shah Eok's embassy to the emperor of China, which 
in 1420 passed through Kamul (Yule's " Cathay," cc). 

B. Goes was the first European traveller who, after 
Marignolli, visited this place in 1605 (I. c. 578). More 
than a century later, between 17 10 and 17 16, the Jesuit 
missionaries, by order of emperor Kang hi, determined by 
direct astronomical observations the position of Hami 
and some places in its neighbourhood (De Mailla's " Hist, 
de la Chine," xii. at the end). 

After this, more than a century and a half elapsed before 
these tracts became again accessible to European inves- 
tigation. In 1875, the Eussian expedition headed by 
Sosnovsky, when returning from China, passed through 
Hami. Dr. Piasetsky and Colonel Matusovsky, who be- 
longed to this expedition, have published some interesting 
notes on this place. Two years later, in 1877, Potanin 
visited the oasis of Hami; and in 1879 Przevalsky, on 
his way to Tibet, spent five days there (Potanin's " Mon- 
golia," i. 162; Przevalsky's "Tibet," 62)). According to 
Potanin, Hami (which is the Chinese name) is called 
Khamil by the Mongols and Kumul by the Sarts. He 
derives the latter name from hum, " sand." 

I finally notice a very valuable article on Hami by Y. 
Uspensky (Eussian Consul at Kuldja), which in 1873 
appeared in the " Proceedings of the Eussian Geogr. Soc," 
vol. ix. ; see Peterm. "Geogr. Mitth.," 1873, 319). It is 
a historical and geographical account of the district of 
Hami, compiled from Chinese sources for the greater part 
hitherto unknown in Europe. 



Liu cKeng, or, as the name is also written, Zu-chen or 
Liu-clien, is the same as the country of Liu chung (in the 
middle of willows) at the time of the Han dynasty, where 
the Chinese governor of the Si yu had established his 
residence.^^^ In the T'ang period it was the district Liu 
chung hien. The distance between Liu ch'eng and Huo 
chou (see the next) in the west is 70 li. Hami lies 1000 
li east of Liu cKeng.^^^ A great river passes through the 
country (it seems between Hami and Liu cKeng). Many 
bones (of men and beasts of burden) are met with on this 
road. People say that there are evil spirits who deceive 
the travellers, making them lose their companions and 
thus cause their death. After leaving the great river, 
the traveller has to cross the Zm sha.^^^ At the foot of a 
Fire mountain (v. p. 190) there is an isolated city two or 
three li wide ; that is Liu ch*eng. There are fields, gar- 
dens, shady trees, flowing waters all around. The soil 
produces millet, wheat, beans, hemp ; there grow also 
peaches, pears, jujubes, melons, bottle-gourds. There are 
also plenty of grapes, of small size, but very sweet and 
without seeds. They are called so tsz pu fao (small 
grapes).^^^ As to domestic animals, there are cattle, sheep, 
horses, and camels. The climate there is pleasant. The 
people are of good character. The men tie up their hair ; 
the women cover themselves with black stuffs. The lan- 
guage they speak is that of the Wei-wu-rh (Uigurs). 

In 1406 emperor Yung lo sent his minister Liu fie- 
mu-rh to Bie-shi-ha-li (Bishbaligh ; see farther on), and 

^^ We read in the Hou Han bHu, chap, cxviii., article Si yti (Western 
countries), that a.d. 123 Pan Yung was entrusted with the affairs concern- 
ing western countries and established his residence at Liu chung. 

^^^ According to modern Chinese itineraries, these distances are respec- 
tively 50 and 1030 li. 

••' The desert Liu sha, literally, "moving sand." See note 884. 

•=* This is still the Chinese name for the small sun-dried grapes (currants) 
imported to Peking from Hami. 

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ordered him to bestow on the ruler of Liu cUeng^ when 
passing through his city, some pieces of silk. Then in the 
next year the ruler of Liu ch'eng despatched Wa-cJii-la, 
one of his captains of a thousand, with tribute to the 
Chinese court. In 1409, when An (an envoy who had 
been sent to Samarkand) returned from the west, the ruler 
of Liu ch'eng sent again an envoy, who accompanied An. 
He presented tribute, and was rewarded by the emperor. 
In 141 3 the ruler of Liu cli'eng sent an envoy, who ac- 
companied Bo-a-rh-hin-fai (an envoy from Huo chou), 
and in the winter of the same year the captain of a thou- 
sand Kuang-yin-nu was again despatched to the Chinese 
court. In 1422 Liu ch*eng together with Hami sent 
an envoy and presented its tribute, consisting of 2000 
sheep. In 1430 the ruler of Liu ch'eng sent one of his 
chieftains, A-hei la-sTii, to the Chinese court. Envoys from 
Liu ch'eng arrived also in 1440 and 1448. Subsequently, 
when Tu-lii-fan (Turfan) had become powerful, Liu ch'eng 
was annexed to it. 

Liu ch^eng is mentioned in Wang Yen te's itinerary, 
A.D. 982. Proceeding from I chou (Hami) westward, he 
came to the country of P^ao-cKuang (probably the Pi clian 
of our days), and then reached Lu chung. He notices also 
the desert of the demons. On the Chinese mediaeval map 
of the fourteenth century (see Part III.) the same place is 
called Lu-gu-cKen (see p. 31). It is no doubt the same 
as the city of Lu-li o-ts in, marked on modern Chinese 
maps about sixty li south-east of Turfan. The Jesuit 
Father d'Espinha in 1756, by order of the emperor K'ien 
lung, determined astronomically some cities of Eastern 
Turkestan and Dsungaria, and among these also Lukotsin, 
east of Turfan. He terms it Lukildn (Peterm. " Geogr. 
Mitth.," 1880, p. 467). 



Huo chou (Fire city), called also Ha-la^^^ is situated 
seventy li west of Liu ch'eng and thirty li east of T'u-lu- 
fan. It is the same as the Anterior CJie-shi at the time 
of the Haii.955 The Sui (589-618) called this country 
Kao cliang. Emperor T'ai tsung of the T^ang dynasty 
abolished the kingdom of Kao ch*ang, which then became 
a (Chinese) district with the name of Si chou. During 
the Sung period (tenth to thirteenth century) the Hui-hu 
(Uigurs) lived in this country, and used to pay tribute to 
China. The Yuan (Mongol dynasty) called this country 
Huo chou (fire city or district). It was then comprised, 
together with the districts of An-ting, Kli-sien, and 
others (see farther on), in the country of the Wei-wu-rh^^^ 
which was governed by a da-la-hua-cKi (daroga = Mongol 

In 1406, in the fifth month, emperor Yung lo sent one 
of his high officers, Liu fie-mu-rh, to accompany the 
envoy from Bie-shi-ha-li, who returned home. Ziu fie- 
mu-rh received order to bestow some pieces of silk stuff 
on the son of the prince of Huo chou, by name Ha-saUy 
when passing through his country. In the next year the 

*^ There are evidently two characters wanting in the Chinese text, for 
in the Mongol period this place was called Ha-la-huo-djo, the same as 
Karakhodjo of the Persian historians. See Part III. On modern Chinese 
maps it is marked as Ha-la-huo-djo, about sixty li south-east of Turfan and 
fifty li south-west of Lu-k'o-ts"in. 

*'* There were in the days of the Han, before our era, two realms of 
CKe-shi, one of them designated by the name of Anterior (eastern) Clie-shi 
i.e., nearer to China, the other called Posterior (western) Ch'e-shi. Comp. 
Ts ien Han shu, chap, xcvi., where it is stated that the CKe-shi kingdoms 
both are situated north-east of the residence of the Chinese officer en- 
trusted with the affairs of the Si yii (Western countries), distant from that 
place, the anterior 1807 li, the posterior 1207 li. They are distant from 
the Chinese capital {Chang an, near present Si an fu in Shen si) respectively 
8150 and 8950 li. The residence of that Chinese governor at that time 
WM in Wu-lei, which place seems to have been situated somewhere near 
present Kharashar. 

»«• On the Ilui-hu and Wei-wurh, both these names denoting the 
Uigurs, see Part II. 

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prince of Huo chou sent as tribute a piece of jade and 
some products of his country. In 1409 an envoy from 
Huo chou arrived with tribute, together with the envoys 
from Ha-lie (Herat) and Sa-ma-rh-han, and in 141 3 Bo-a- 
rh-hin-fai, a military officer of the prince of Huo chou, 
came as an envoy with tribute. At the same time the 
envoys from An-di-gan (Andegan) and Shi-la-sz (Shirazj 
and other countries, in the whole nine, arrived at the 
Chinese capital. The emperor then ordered Ch^en CKeng 
(see above), Li Sien, and others to bring his manifestos to 
Huo chou, and bestow presents of silk and other stuffs on 
the ruler, to reward his merits. When the Chinese en- 
voys returned, they were accompanied by an envoy from 
Huo chou. After this for several years no envoys from 
this country were seen at the Chinese court until 1448, 
and this was the last time that Huo chou sent tribute. 
(It belonged to Turfan in the second half of the fifteenth 

The country of Huo chou is very mountainous. The 
mountains are of a bluish-red colour, like fire, hence the 
name fire city (district). The climate there is hot. The 
cereals cultivated by the people and their domestic animals 
are the same as in Liu ch*eng. The city of Huo chou is 
ten li and more in circumference. There are more Buddhist 
temples than dwelling-houses of the people.^^^ East of Huo 
chou there are the ruins of an ancient city, the remains of 
the capital of ancient Kao diang. The country of Huo 
chou borders north-west on Bie-shi-ha-li. As Huo chou 
was a small realm, it could not sustain its independency, 
and Turfan took possession of it. 

Eegarding the mountains, rivers, productions, &c., of 
Huo chou, see T'u-lu-fan, infra. 

'"' This statement is corroborated by the diarist of the embassy of 
Shah Rok to the emperor of China, which passed through this country in 
1420. He mentions Turfan and KaraWwdjo, and says that the people of 
Turfan were mostly Buddhists, and had a great temple with a figure of 
Sakya Muni (Yule's " Cathay," cc). 


Amiot, in the " Mem. cone, les Chinois," xiv. 272, notices 
several embassies sent by the ruler of Huo choii to the 
Chinese emperor, and translates the respective letters of 
credence. Sa-ha-la, prince of Huo chou, sent jade and 
horses as tribute. Han ivan^ sent with tribute by the 
prince of Huo chou, supplicated for silk stuffs. The dates 
of these letters are not given. 

Huo chou or Karakhodjo (see note 954) is mentioned in 
the narrative of Shah Eok's embassy to the emperor of 
China (see note 957). 

The Mesalek alabsar (first half of the fourteenth cen- 
tury), p. 224, gives an itinerary from Samarkand to Khan- 
balik (Peking), in which it is stated that from Almalik to 
Kamtchou (Kan chou), the first city of Khata on the way, 
they reckon forty days' journey, and the way passes through 

Dr. A. Eegel seems to be the first European who visited 
Karakhodjo in 1879. The Jesuit missionaries may have 
been there in the last century, but this name does not 
appear in their accounts. Eegel (Peter m. " Geogr. Mitth,," 
1880, 206) writes the name Karagudja, and states that it 
is a considerable place, situated on an oasis in the desert, 
forty versts east of Turf an. He saw near Karagudja the 
vast ruins of an ancient city, with the remains of a beautiful 
sepulchral mosque, 400 years old. Eegel reports that, 
according to tradition, this city, which he terms Old Tur- 
fan, was founded by the heathen emperor Takianus, and 
destroyed 400 years ago. It seems to me that these ruins 
must rather be referred to ancient Karakhodjo. With 
respect to Takianus, Yule in his " M. Polo," i. 116, observes, 
that all over Mohammedan Asia there are old sites to which 
legend attaches the name of Dakianiis, or the emperor 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



Ming shi, chap, cccxxix. 

T'u~lu-fan (the city) is situated west of Huo chou loo 
li. It is distant from Hami more than looo li, from Kia 
yii kuan 2600 li. It lies in the land of ancient CUe-shi, 
anterior kingdom (see note 955), or Kao cJCang, as it was 
called during the Sui dynasty. The Pang abolished Kao 
ch*ang and established in its place the district of Si cliou, 
with the capital Kiao ho hien^^^ The city of T'u-lu-fan 
is situated where the city of Anlo cKeng, depending on 
Kiao ho hien, stood. The Sung (960-1127) restored the 
name of Kao cKang. The Hui-liu (Uigurs) then occupied 
this country, and used to send tribute to the Chinese 
court.^^^ The Yuan (Mongol dynasty) established here 
the head-quarters of a corps of a 10,000. 

The Ming Geography, chap. Ixxxix., gives some particulars 
with respect to the mountains, rivers, productions, &c., of 
Turf an, Huo chou, and Liu ch'eng, a translation of which I 
proceed to insert here. 

The mountain Ling shan (mysterious mountain) is situ- 
ated north-west of the city of T'u-lu-fan. The stones 
(rocks) there show fine veins like hair. There is also a 
heap of very hard and bright white stones like bones.^^^ 
The people call this the place where a million of lo-han 
(saints, arhat) used to shave their hair and entered into 

^^8 This is an ancient name. In the above-quoted article of the Ts ien 
Han shu (see note 955) we read that already before our era the capital of 
the anterior kingdom of Ch'e-shi was Kiao ho ch'eng, or the city surrounded 
by a river. 

^^^ In A.D. 981 Wang Yen te was sent by the Chinese emperor to the 
prince of Kao ch'ang (see i. 244). 

^^ Evidently a sacred stone heap called ** obo " by the Mongols. 

^^ According to the author of the Si yii wen kien lu (last century), 
chap. i. fol. 6, the Ling shan is a mountain south of Urnmtsi, belonging to 
the T'ien shan. This name has been given to it on account of the marvellous 
phenomena seen there. It seems to me that Ling shan is probably the 
celebrated Bogdo ula. See note 161. 


The CJii sJd slian (niouutain of red rocks) is a picturesque 
peak north-west of T'u-lu-fan. It bears this name owing 
to the red colour of its rocks.^*^^ 

The mountain T^an Jian is seventy li north of the red 
mountain. Even in summer great masses of snow are 
accumulated on it. North of this mountain is the boundary 
of the rie-le tribe.^^^ 

The IIuo yen shan (fire mountain) lies east of the city 
of Liu ch*eng. The Sung History gives the following 
account of this mountain : — " North of Fei fing (believed 
to answer the present Urumtsi) is a mountain, the interior 
of which contains nao sha (sal ammoniac). Inside there is 
a perpetual fire, and the smoke sent out from it never 
ceases. Clouds or fog are never seen around this moun- 
tain. In the evening the flames issuing from it resemble 
torch-light. The bats, from this phenomenon, appear also 
in a red colour.^^* 

The mountain Ting ku shan is north of the city of Liu 
ch*eng. There is on it an ancient temple, dating from the 
time of the T'ang, with a monument bearing an inscrip- 
tion. The Sung shi, article Kao ch'ang, states that there 
are more than fifty Buddhist monasteries, all established 
in the T'ang period. They then possessed the great collec- 
tion of Buddhist works and several Chinese dictionaries.^^ 

The T'ien shan (Celestial mountains) is north of the 
city of Kiao ho cKeng. It is also known by the name of 

'^^ This passage regarding the red mountain has been borrowed from 
the History of the Wei (fifth century), article Kao ch'ang. 

^^ Likewise copied out from the Wei History. See note 962. The 
T'ie-lc, a Turkish tribe near the T'ien shan. 

*" The above account of the fire mountain is borrowed from Wang Yen 
te'a narrative (see note 959), according to which this mountain lies north 
of Pel t'ing. But then the Ming Geography is wrong in referring this 
account to a mountain situated east of Liu ch'eng. The Si yvi wen kien lu 
(laut century) states that to the south-east of Turfan there js a chain of 
sandstone mountains entirely destitute of vegetation, and as the sun's 
beams heat exceedingly the rocks, the name ' * tire mountain " has been 
applied to them. 

•** Taken from Wang Yen te's narrative. 

15 & l6 CENT.] 


KH lien shan. Here was in the days of the T'ang the city 
THen shan Men. 

The sea (or rather lake) F^u cliang hai^^^ is situated 
south-west of T'u-lu-fan. It is also called Yen tse (Salt 
lake) or Fo si hai, and is 400 li in circumference. As 
has been ascertained by Chang K'ien, who travelled to the 
countries of the west, the river which discharges itself 
into this lake is formed by two rivers ; one of them comes 
from the Tsung ling mountains (west of Kashgar and 
Yarkand), the other from Yil fien (Khotan). They unite, 
and then the river flows eastward and empties itself into 
the lake. Farther on the water flows underground for a 
thousand li, and issues out again at the foot of the Tsi shi 
shan mountain. This is the Ho (Yellow Eiver).^^^ 

The river Kiao ho passes twenty li west of Turfan. It 
takes its rise in the T'ien shan mountains. Farther on it 
divides into two branches, surrounding the city of Yai-rh- 
dCeng?^ This is the same as Kiao ho hien in the days of 
the T'ang. See note 958. 

Han hai (the characters mean northern sea) is the name 
applied to the land (desert) stretching from the city of 
Ziu ch'en eastward. There is nothing but sand and stones. 
There are furious winds in this desert. When encounter- 
ing them, travellers and horses perish. Han hai is a 

966 'pijq Ming Geography properly writes the name P'u lei hai. But as 
the whole information it gives about this lake is borrowed from the Ts ien 
Han shu, chap, xcvi., introduction, I did not hesitate in writing the name 
as it is found in the original. The compilators of the Ming evidently 
mean Lake Lopnor, but confound it with the lake of P'u lei. The latter is 
also an ancient name, identified by the Chinese with Barkul of our days, 
situated north-east of Turfan, beyond the T'ien shan. 

^^^ The famous Chinese general Chang K'ien, who about 1 20 B.C. 
returned from his long journey to the western countries, had made some 
investigations about the sources of the Yellow River, and suggested that 
the water of the Lopnor, after running underground for a great distance, 
communicates with the visible sources of the Yellow River near the afore- 
mentioned mountain Tsi shi shan (on the Chinese map south of Lake 
Kukenor, about 34° N. lat.). 

968 j^ river Ya-rh is marked on modern Chinese maps west of Turfan. 
It appears also on the map appended to Regel's account of Turfan. 


foreign name used by the barbarian tribes to designate 
this desert.^^^ 

The Ming Geography mentions the following products 
in Tu-lu-fan, Huo chou, and Liu ch'eng : — 

Horses, — camels, — sha shu (sand rats). They are as big 
as rabbits. The birds of prey catch and eat them.^^<^ Yin 
ya Icile, Sii-ho Jcile.^'^^ — Silkworms. — Fo tie pu (cloth woven 
from the white tie), which is made of the cocoons of the 
wild silkworm living on the plant k^u san. This stuff is 
used as a barter in trade.^^^ Hu-tung li (see note 944). — 
Tsz mi (thorn honey), a kind of honey {mi) of very fine 
taste produced upon a plant called yang tsz\^'^^ — A-wei. 

^^ Compare also note 9. 

^^ The Chinese text can also be understood : they are eaten (by the 
people) after being caught by birds of prey. The Chinese traveller Wang 
Yen te (see i. 244) notices in the country here spoken of a kind of rat as 
big as a rabbit, with red spots. They are eaten by the people, who use 
birds of prey for catching them. In the T'ang History, chap, cclviii.6., 
article Yil-t'ien (Khotan), mention is made of sha tsl shu (desert rats) as 
big as hedgehogs occurring west of Khotan and running after the horses. 
It seems to me that here jumping hares or Jerboas are meant. These 
beasts are frequently met in the deserts of Mongolia and Central Asia, 
especially the Scirtetes jaculus, termed AlaTcdaga (spotted colt) by the 
Mongols, Morin yalma (horse jumper) by the Kalmuks. Marco Polo's 
Pharao rats eaten by the Mongols (i. 244) are, as Colonel Yule has already 
pointed out, the same. 

^^ It seems that by yin ya Jciie and su-ho kile horns of antelopes and 
stags are meant (kiie = horn in Chinese). The young soft horns (antlers) 
of Cervus elaphus and Cervus axis, in Chinese lu jung, are prepared by the 
Chinese for medical purposes. I have seen also in Peking druggists' shops 
the full-grown horns of Antilope Saiga and of the elk. All these horns 
come either from Manchuria or from Southern Siberia. According to 
Potanin ("Mongolia," i. 83) there is a great trade with deer's horns in 
Uliassutai. Ibidem, ii. 142, the male of Cervus elaphus is called sogo by 
the Mongols. This may explain the term su-ho kiie. 

^^ The information here given about the po tie and the plant leu san is 
originally found in the T'ang shu, article Kao ch'ang. It appears also in 
Wang Yen te's narrative. It seems to me that we have here an incorrect 
description of the cotton plant, first introduced into China from Central 
Asia in the ninth or tenth century, and thus little known in the period 
here spoken of. The Chinese text in the T'ang shu does not mention the 
leu tan plant, but states simply that the po tie is woven of the blossoms of 
u plant. 

"^^ This statement on the honey-bearing plant has been copied out from 

IX&16 CENT. 



This is a plant with a solitary root and stem ; the branches 
and leaves are umbrella-shaped. The plant has a very 
unpleasant smell. Its fresh exudation when boiled gives 
a paste which is called a-wei.^'^^ 

As to the minerals of those countries, the Ming Geography 
mentions white and red salt, nao-sha,^'^^ and pin t'ie (steel ; 
see note 395). 

The Ming history gives the following accounts regard- 
ing the history of Turfau in the fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries : — 

The name of Tu-lu-fan appears for the first time in 
the Chinese annals s. a. 1377 (it was unknown, it seems, 
during the Mongol period). The Ming shi records that 
the ruler of T'u-lu-fan, having repeatedly plundered 
foreign embassies proceeding through his dominions to 
China, the emperor in 1377 despatched an army to punish 
him, and the country was ravaged by the imperial troops. 
In 1406 the emperor Yung lo sent an envoy to Bie-shi- 
ba-li (Moghulistan), who, when passing through T'u-lu- 
fan, made a present of silk stuffs to the ruler of this 
country ; whereupon the latter despatched Sai-yin THe- 

the History of the Wei (386-558), article Kao ch'ang. Several shrubs 
exuding a sugar-like product have been noticed by our botanists in Per- 
sia, Afghanistan, Turkestan, viz., Alhagi camelorum, Atraphaxis spinosa, 
Tamarix mannifera. My late friend D. Hanbury, in his excellent " Phar- 
macographia," p. 371, states : Turanjabin or Alhagi Manna is afforded by 
Alhagi camelorum, Pish., a small spiny plant of the order Leguminosae, 
found in Persia, Afghanistan, and Beludjistan. It is a substance in little 
roundish, hard, dry globules, of agreeable saccharine taste and senna-like 
smell. Alhagi Manna is collected near Kandahar and Herat, vi^here it is 
found on the plants at the time of flowering. The well-known traveller, 
Professor Vambery, states from his own observation ("Skizzen aus 
Mittelasien," 190) that in Turkestan the turanjabin appears in autumn 
suddenly in one night and is collected early in the morning while it is 
still cool. This product is eaten by the people in its rough state, or they 
manufacture syrup of it. Compare also note 1055. 

^'''* A-wei is the Chinese name ior Asa fcetida, yielded by several umbelli- 
ferous plants, Narthex Asa-fostida, Falc, Scorodosma foetidum, Bge., Ferula 
alliacea, Boiss. 

^^^ Nao sha is the Chinese name for sal ammoniac. It is called now 
shadur in Persian, nau sadar iu Sanscrit, nashatyr in Russian. 


mu-rh, a commander of a thousand, to the Chinese court. 
The envoy carried with him jade as tribute. In the next 
year he reached the capital. In 1408 a Buddhist priest, 
by name Tsing-lai, arrived with seven disciples (from 
Turfan) at the capital and presented 'tribute. The em- 
peror was desirous that they should change their foreign 
customs, and bestowed upon the chief priest and his 
followers Chinese titles and rewarded them richly. Sub- 
sequently the intercourse with T*u-lu-fan was not inter- 
rupted. This realm used to send as tribute to China 
highly-bred horses and gerfalcons, and products of the 
country. The Son of Heaven also sent his envoys to 
T'u-lu-fan. In 1422 the chief of T*u-lu-fan, by name 
In-ghi-rh-cKa, had been expelled by Wai-sz, the chief of 
Bie-shi-ba-li. He then appeared before the emperor to 
complain. The emperor bestowed upon him a military 
rank, and caused the ruler of Bie-shi-ba-li to surrender 
In-ghi-rh-ch*a's land. The latter was very grateful. In 
1425 he came in person, at the head of his tribe, to the 
Chinese court and presented tribute; and in the next 
year he appeared again, and was well received by the 
emperor. After his returning home he fell ill and died. 
In 1428 his son, Man-Tco THe-mu-7% went in person to 
pay tribute. In 1430, again, an embassy from T'u-lu-fan 
was seen at the court, but then for about ten years no 
tribute was offered by this kingdom. When, in 1441, the 
envoy from Mi-si-rh (Egypt) returned home, the emperor 
ordered that various silk stuffs should be bestowed upon 
the chief of T'u-lu-fan, by name Ba-la-ma-rh ; whereupon 
the latter in the next year sent tribute to the court. 

T*u-lu-fan borders upon Bie-shi-ha-li and Yil t'ien,^'^^ 
which are both great kingdoms. It was at first of little 
authority, but afterwards, after taking possession of IIuo 
chou and Liu clCeng (Karakhodjo and Lukotsin, v. supra), 
in the middle of the fifteenth century, Tu-lu-fan became 
powerful, and its chief, Ye-mi-li huo-djo, accordingly 

•'• Moghulistan and Khotan. See farther on. 




assumed the title of wang (king or prince). Envoys from 
this country were seen again at the Chinese court in 
1452 and 1459, when an embassy of twenty-four men 
arrived. In 1465 it was settled that in future T'u-lu-fan 
should send tribute every three or five years, and the 
number of men composing the embassy should not ex- 
ceed ten. 

In 1469 an embassy from T'u-lu-fan arrived, and 
reported that their ruler had taken the title of Su-fan 
(Sultan), and now asked the permission to use gerfalcons, 
parade horses, and cloths with embroidered dragons (i.e., 
attributes of imperial authority). But the Board of Rites 
refused, and only presents of silk stuff were bestowed upon 
the envoy. In the next year the Sultan of T'u-lu-fan 
sent again an envoy, who asked for certain imperial 
ornaments, stirrups, saddles, and other things, for his 
sovereign ; but the Board of Rites again refused to grant 
this request. At that time T'u-lu-fan had risen to con- 
siderable power. Su-fan A-li (Sultan Ali) of T*u-lu-fan, 
profiting by the circumstance that in Hami there was 
no ruler (see above), in the spring of 1473 attacked the 
city, captured it, and carried away with him the princess- 
dowager and the golden seal (given to the prince of Hami 
by the Chinese emperor). He left his brother-in-law, 
Ya-lan, with a part of his troops in Hami to maintain 
the place. The Chinese emperor then ordered Li Wen to 
rescue Hami, but the latter returned from this expedition 
without any success. Subsequently A-li sent envoys 
with tribute to China, as T*u-Iu-fan had used to send in 
former times, and even three envoys arrived at the capi- 
tal in the same year. They were well received by the 
emperor, and no bitter word was said to them in allusion 
to the behaviour of the Su-t*an. However, his envoys 
displayed great arrogance, requesting, among other things, 
elephants as a present. The Board of War replied that 
elephants were an attribute of the imperial cortege only. 
The emperor received them as presents (from his tribu- 


taries in the south), but would never agree to bestow them 
upon other people. The envoy then made allusion to 
T'u-lu-fan's increasing power, in having taken possession 
of Hami, K'u-sien (see farther on), &c., having captured 
more than 10,000 men of the Wa-la (Oirats), and pointed 
to the necessity for China to be on good terms with the 
Su-t'an of T'u-lu-fan, through whose dominions all the 
envoys to and from the west had to pass. But the em- 
peror did not pay much attention to these arguments. 
Subsequently A-li's heart changed for the better. He 
sent again tribute, and no mention was made by his 
envoys of his former arrogant requests. They endea- 
voured to re-establish the good understanding with China, 
and solicited for their sovereign the favour to be officially 
acknowledged as Su-t'an of T'u-lu-fan. The emperor 
made the condition to release the princess-dowager and 
hand over the seal of Hami. Some time after a new 
embassy with tribute arrived from T'u-lu-fan, but they 
did not bring the golden seal of Hami. In 1476 the 
governor of Kan chou reported that he had been informed 
by some (foreign) envoys who had passed through T*u-lu- 
fan of the death of the princess-dowager of Hami, and 
that the Su-t'an was not disposed to hand over the seal. 
Whereupon the emperor refused to receive in the future 
the envoys of Ali. In 1478 Ali died, and his son A-hei-ma 
(Ahmed) succeeded him as Su-t'an of T*u-lu-fan, and 
after his accession sent an envoy to the Chinese emperor. 
In 1482 Han-cJCen (the ruler of Hami, v. supra) succeeded 
in rallying troops and expelling the people of T*u-lu-fan 
from Hami. In 1488 A-hei-ma arrived before Hami, en- 
ticed Han-ch'en out, killed him, and captured again Hami. 
After this he sent an embassy to the Chinese emperor to 
ask for various imperial attributes ; but the emperor gave 
orders to stop the embassy at Kan chou, and retain its 
members as prisoners. In 1490 another embassy, accom- 
panying the envoys from Sa-ma-rh-han, and carrying lions 
as presents, was despatched by A-hei-ma to promise the 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



seal of Hami on condition that the imprisoned embassy 
should be released. Some of the Chinese ministers pro- 
posed to break off entirely the intercourse with T'u-lu-fan. 
In 1 49 1 A-hei-ma sent again lions to China, and his envoys 
promised that the seal of Hami, and eleven captured cities 
belonging to Hami, should be surrendered; and indeed 
the restitution of the seal and the cities ensued, where- 
upon the emperor ordered the embassy of T'u-lu-fan, in 
the whole twenty-seven men, to be released. The latter 
had not yet reached the frontier, when a new embassy 
despatched by A-hei-ma, consisting of thirty-nine men, 
reached Peking. But meanwhile A-hei-ma had again 
attacked Hami (in 1493), captured the city, and made 
prisoner Shan-la, the prince of Hami. As soon as this 
fact had become known, the emperor ordered the arrest of 
all the members of the embassies of A-hei-ma in China, 
in the whole 172 men, and their imprisonment at Kan 
chou. At the same time the passage through Kia yti kuan 
was shut up. Besides taking these measures, the Chinese 
government rallied troops, who marched to attack A-hei- 
ma. The latter, being apprehensive of a simultaneous 
attack by his other neighbours, who hated him also (the 
Oirats), thought it more prudent to withdraw and abandon 
Hami to the Chinese. But he took Shan-ba with him as 
prisoner. This happened in 1495. It was only in 1497 
that Shan-ba was released, when A-hei-ma sent him to the 
Chinese frontier, and solicited the permission of again 
sending tribute. The emperor agreed. Then, in 1499, an 
embassy arrived from T'u-lu-fan, and solicited the release 
of the 1 72 men of the former embassies imprisoned in Kuang 
tung (Canton).^^^ The emperor granted this request. 

In 1 504 A-hei-ma died. There was a struggle between 
his sons about the succession. Finally, the eldest, by name 
of Man-su-rh, got the upper hand, declared himself Su-t*an, 
and sent an embassy with tribute to the Chinese court. 
In 1 5 1 3 Bai-ya-dsi, prince of Hami, who was an incap- 

•^7 Probably a mistake for Kan chou. Vide supra. 


able ruler, abandoned Chinese protection and fled to T'u-lu- 
fan. Man-su-rh sent to take possession of Hami. Hence- 
forth the Chinese government, had no authority with 
respect to Hami, and was frequently troubled by Man- 
su-rh, who invaded Su chou and Kan chou. In 1528 it 
happened that one of his generals, Ya-lan, surrendered to 
the Chinese. Ya-lan was originally a man from K'u-sien 
(see farther on). He had been made prisoner by Su-t'an 
A-li when he was a boy, and subsequently he had married a 
sister of Ali. Man-su-rh, when he heard of this treason, 
got very angry. He tried at first to cause the Wa-la 
(Oirats) to unite with him for an invasion of Su chou, and 
then entered into negotiations with the Chinese about the 
delivery of Ya-lan. But the Chinese government were 
not willing to accede. 

Man-su-rh died in 1 545, designating his eldest son, Sha, 
as his successor. But Sha's brother, Ma-hei-ma, laid claims 
to the throne, and took possession of a part of Hami. 
After marrying a wife from the Wa-la people (Oirats), he, 
together with these allies, attacked his brother. 

In 1 547 envoys from T'u-lu-fan arrived with tribute to 
the Chinese court. It was settled that T*u-lu-fan was to 
send tribute once every five years. 

In 1570 Sha died, and his brother Ma-hei-ma ascended 
the throne of T'u-lu-fan, and despatched an embassy to 
China. But his three brothers revolted, and one of them, 
named So-fei, aspired to the crown, calling himself Su-fan, 
and sending an embassy to China. 

During the reign of emperor ^s Wan li, 1 573-1620, no 
embassy from T*u-lu-fan has been recorded in the Chinese 

This is a r4sum4 of the history of Turf an in the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries, drawn from the Ming history. 
Not wishing to fatigue the reader with a literal transla- 
tion of the whole article, I have omitted many details 
destitute of interest. 

i5&i6cEXT.] TURFAN. 199 

I may notice here that in the " Mem. cone, les Chinois," 
t. xiv. p. 242, 245, 247, Father Amiot has translated three 
petitions addressed to the emperor of China by A-hei-ma 
and SJian-si-ting, envoys from T'u-lu-fan. 

Turfan seems to have been a powerful kingdom in the 
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. As has already been 
noticed, the name Turfan does not appear in the records of 
the authors, either Chinese or Mohammedan, referring to 
Eastern Turkestan in the Mongol period, whilst they fre- 
quently mention the city of Huo chou or Karakliodjo in the 
country of the Uigurs, situated about twenty-seven English 
miles east of modern Turfan. The Chinese notice Turfan 
for the first time s. a. 12)77 ■ This leads us to suppose that 
this city was built only a few years earlier, and then 
became the residence of the rulers of those tracts. Accord- 
ing to the Si yii wen Men lu, a Chinese description of 
Turkestan of the last century, " turfan," in the language of 
the people of Turkestan, means " residence." The names 
of the rulers of Turfan in the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- 
turies, as given in the Chinese account, are for the greater 
part found in the Tarikhi Eashidi, a history of Eastern 
Turkestan or Moghulistan, written in the middle of the 
sixteenth century, and other Mohammedan historical re- 
cords referring to the same country.^^^ 

According to the Mohammedan authors, it was Khizr 
Khodja Khan of Kashgar and Moghulistan, end of the 
fourteenth century, who, next Kashgar, made Turfan the 
second capital of the Moghul empire. The In-ghi-rh-dia, 
ruler of Turfan, who, according to the Chinese annals, 
had been expelled by Wai-sz\ is not mentioned by the 
Mohammedan authors, but Wai-sz' is without doubt the 
Weis Khan of Moghulistan whom the Tarikhi Eashidi 
states to have been killed in 1428. After his death a 

^* Compare Erskine's "History of India under Baber and Humayun," 
1854, i. p. 35-68, 537-540 ; Bellew's "History of Kashgar," 1875 ; Yule's 
♦•Cathay," 576. 


division among the Moghuls took place. Tunis Khan 
reigned in Transoxiana, whilst Isan Buka, + 1462, and 
after him his son, Dost Mohammed, + 1468, ruled over 
Eastern Moghulistan. The son of the latter, Kepeh Sultan, 
is expressly stated by the Mohammedan authors to have 
ruled in Turfan. This may be the sovereign of Turfan 
who, in 1469, sent an envoy to inform the Chinese emperor 
that he had taken the title of Su-fan. Sultan Ali of Turfan, 
who, according to the Chinese annals, in 1473 captured 
Hami and died in 1478, is not noticed by the Moham- 
medan historians. But his son, Su-fan A-hei-ma, whose 
death the Chinese record s. a. 1504, is without doubt the 
Sultan Ahmed Khan of the Tarikhi Eashidi, where it is 
stated that already in the lifetime of his father, Yunis, 
he governed the Eastern Moghuls, with Aksu, Turfan, &c. 
He was defeated by Sheibani Khan in 1503, and died of 
grief in 1 504. He left seventeen sons, of whom Mansur, 
the eldest, succeeded. All the sons quarrelled. Mansur 
exercised authority at Ahsu and in the whole territory to 
the east as far as Chalis and Turfan. He died in 1544. 
This is the Su-fan Man-su-rh of the Chinese authors, 
according to whom he died in 1545, and was succeeded by 
his son Sha, evidently the Shah Khan of the Mohammedan 
historians. Compare also note 10 13. 

Yule, "Cathay," 576, quotes a passage from Haidar 
Eazi, who in the last century wrote a history of Turkestan, 
and states that Jalish (Kharashar) is a city near Turfan, 
both places being under a prince called Mansur Khan, who 
is mentioned about 1531 as marching by Jalish to attack 

Turfan since the fifteenth century has been repeatedly 
visited by Western Mohammedan and Christian travellers. 

The embassy of Shah Boh (see note 957) passed through 
Turfan. In Hadji Mohammed's account of Kathai, a.d. 
1 5 50, it is stated that from Camul to Turf on are thirteen 
days' journey (" Cathay," ccvii.). 

We know that Benedict Goes, on his journey from India 

15 & 1 6 CENT.] 



to China in 1605, halted a month in the fortified town 
:of Turphan (l. c. 578), About a century and a half later 
^the Jesuit missionaries, by order of the emperor K*ien 
lung, visited these tracts, and Father d'Uspinha even de- 
termined astronomically the position of Turfan in 1756 
(Peterm. " Geogr. Mitth.," 1880, p. 467). But after this, 
Eastern Turkestan remained again inaccessible to Euro- 
pean exploration for more than a century. Dr. A. JRegel 
was the first modern European traveller who visited 
Turfan, in 1879, and published an account of the city 
and a sketch map of it (Peterm. "Geogr. Mitth.," 1880, 
p. 205, 1 881, map 18). These regions, however, are still 
very imperfectly known, and what we know about them is 
almost exclusively derived from Chinese sources of infor- 

We have seen that no trace of commercial or diplo- 
matical intercourse between China and Turfan is found in 
[the Ming shi posterior to a.d. 1570. After a long suspen- 
sion of intercourse, an embassy from T*u-lu-fan to the 
Chinese court is again recorded in the annals of the pre- 
sent dynasty under the year 1646. We read in the Sin 
kiang chi lio a description of Turkestan, 1820, that in this 
tyear A-hu-le A-ha-me-t'e (Abul Ahmed), prince of T*u-lu- 
fan, despatched an embassy with tribute to Shun chi, the 
[second emperor of the Man chu dynasty. Sub anno 173 1 it 
I is recorded th.a.t A-min ho-dja, chief of the Mohammedans 
in T*u-lu-fan, acknowledged the supremacy of the Chinese 
• emperor, and in consideration of his merits he was in- 
vested with the military rank of commander of a divi- 
sion, and accordingly transferred his residence to Kua chou 
(nearer to China). 

When the author of the Si yu wen kien lu visited 
Eastern Turkestan, about 1760, Tu-rh-fan was the resi- 
dence of Sic-li-man, son of A-min huo-djo, who ruled over 
six cities, viz., T\i-Th-fan, Pi-djan, Lu-gu-tsin, Se-geng- 
mu, T'o-Uo'sun, Ha-la-kuo-djo?'^'^ Whilst the other cities of 

'^^ All these six cities are marked on the Chinese map west and east of 


Turkestan were administrated by officers appointed by the 
Chinese government and changed according to the rules, 
Su-li-man had been left hereditary ruler of his country. 
Among these cities, the Chinese author says, only Tu-rli- 
fan is well populated. The whole population of all these 
cities may be estimated at 3000 families at the most. For 
the greater part they are very poor, and not able themselves 
to provide for their livelihood. In summer-time it is very 
hot there, and dust is whirled up by the wind. To the 
soutli-east of T'u-rh-fan is a mountain ridge entirely desti- 
tute of vegetation. Here the sun-blaze is insupportable, 
wherefore these mountains have been named Huo yen 
shan, or "fire mountains" (vide note 964). It is not very 
cold there in winter-time, and snow is also scarce. The 
products of the country are wheat, millet, sesam, and 
many varieties of water-melons, melons, and grapes, the 
best in the west. The soil is fertile. Cotton and beans 
are much cultivated. One li north of T'u-rh-fan there 
are sometimes heavy hurricanes, carrying away donkeys 
and sheep. To the south of T'u-rh-fan all the land is a 
desert, in which great herds of wild camels and wild 
horses are found. 

The Sin kiang chi lio enumerates in the whole twenty- 
nine cities and smaller places depending on Turfan. After 
the conquest of Eastern Turkestan by the Chinese in the 
last century, the more important cities there received 
Chinese names. Thus Turfan was named Kuang an 

Turfan. Their position is more correctly indicated on Kegel's mao. 
Kegel, however, visited only Turfan, Toksun, and Karakhodjo. In the 
name Pi djan we can trace the Pao chuang in Wang Yen te's itinerary 
(a.d. 982). This Chinese traveller on his way from Hami to Kao ch'ang 
(Karakhodjo), after crossing a desert, came to Pao chuang, then passed by 
Liu chung (Liu ch'eng, Lu-gu-ts'in, v. supra), and reached Kao ch'ang. 
T'o-Jc'o-sun is also an old name. 

15 & i6 CE^'T.] 




Under this head the Ming shi, in chap, cccxxx., gives 
a historical account of the country south and south-east 
of Lake Kukenor during the Ming period. It is stated 
there that the name Si fan is applied to the territory 
situated beyond the frontiers of the Chinese provinces of 
Shen si (then including the eastern part of present Kan 
su) and Sz' cKuan, and inhabited by various tribes of 
Tangut race, anciently known in Chinese history under 
the name of Si Kiang. 

The military districts established there by the first 
Ming emperor, Hung wu, were ruled by native chiefs, who 
had acknowledged Chinese supremacy, and who were 
placed under the direct control of four military admini- 
strations, which had their seats in Si ning, Ho chou, T'ao 
chou, and Min chou (south-east of Lake Kukenor, in Kan su). 
In 1 5 12 the country of the Si fan was ravaged by the 
Mongol chief I-lu-la T'^ai shi, who took possession of 
the province of Tsing hai or Kukenor. . 

The Kuang yli ki, chap. xxiv. fol. 24, notices that Si fan 
comprises the territory to the south-west of Shen si, west 
of Sz' ch'uan and north-west of Yiin nan. There were 
two wei or more important military districts in Si fan, 
viz., Do-gan and Lung ta.^ and thirty smaller dependencies, 
all enumerated in the Ming Geography as well as in the 
Kuang yti ki. The tribute presented by the Si fan tribes 
to the emperor used to be carried to the court at Peking 
by way of Ya chou in Sz' ch*uan. 

The same Chinese works give also a short account of 
the mountains, rivers, and products of the Si fan country. 

The K^un lun chain, a high mountain to the north-east 
>f the district of Do-gan, is covered with eternal snow. 
[ts local name is I-rh-ma-hu-la.^^^ The Yellow Eiver 
runs 500 li south of this mountain. 

^^ The K'un-lun mountain, celebrated in Chinese legends, dividing 
?ibet from Mongolia and the Tariui basin. 


On the border of Si fan there is the lake K'o-ho. It is 
more than seventy li in circumference. It discharges its 
water towards Yiin nan. This river unites with the river 
Si-rh, and then takes the name Yang-pi. The H%ti river 
(the Chinese character, not distinctly printed, is perhaps 
to be read Dseng) comes out from the south-east (south- 
eastern border of Sifan ?) and is called Lu river.^^^ 

The Huang ho, or Yellow Eiver, takes its rise on the 
western border of the district of Do-gan, west of the tribe 
Ma-hu-man. Farther on, the river in its course is for 
some distance hidden underground and reappears again 
on the surface, forming more than a hundred springs or 
lakelets like stars. The native name of these lakes is 
Huo-tun nao-rh. The river then takes for more than 
lOO Z* a north-easterly direction and forms a great lake. 
Farther eastward, the river takes the name Chi pao ho. It 
is joined by the Hulan and other affluents, and finally 
takes the name Huang ho.^^^ The Ming Geography men- 
tions several tributaries of the Upper Huang ho ; but these 
names are not found on modern maps. 

Si fan in Chinese means " Western Barbarians." The 
Chinese generally apply this name to the tribes who have 
their seats in the alpine country south of Lake Kuke- 
nor, the land of the sources of the Yellow River, and 
in the north-western mountainous part of Sz' ch'uan ; but 
sometimes the Chinese historians use it as a synonymous 
term for Tibet. For further particulars see the article on 

^^ K'o-ho is perhaps intended for GoJcpo, one of the sources of the 
Bramaputra, and Yang pi for Tsanpa, an affluent of the latter river. 
The Lu river or Salwen is .marked in the same regions on our maps. 
Compare Colonel Yule's interesting investigations regarding these rivers 
in his article "The River of Golden Sand," 1880. 

****'- According to modern Chinese maps, the plain in which the above- 
mentioned lakelets are found is called Odon tola (starry plain) by the 
MongolH, and Sing su hai (starry lakes) by the Chinese. The large lake 
noticed in the Ming Geography is the Oring nor of our maps. After 
h-aving this lake the river takes the Mongol name Khatun gol. 

15 & i6 CENT.] AN-TING. 205 

Tibet in Part III. The Ming slii terms Tibet TFio sz' dsang 
(see farther on). 

The Chinese identify Si fan with Tangut (Hyacinth's 
" History of Tibet and Kukenor," pref. viii.). Indeed, the 
Tangutans of Przewalsky, north-east of Tibet, in the 
Kukenor country ,^^^ correspond to the Si fan. 

The rest of chap, cccxxx. in the Ming shi is devoted to 
six other military districts, situated partly in Kukenor and 
Northern Tibet, partly in Kan su, west of Kia yli kuan. 
I shall give an abstract of these accounts presently. 


An-ting is situated south-west of Kan chou, 1500 li 
distant from that city. At the time of the Han dynasty 
here the country was called Eh KHang?^^ In the T*ang 
period it belonged to the kingdom of T^u-fan (Tibet, v. 
p. 23). In the days of the Mongol dynasty An-ting was 
the appanage of a Mongol prince, Bu-yin T%e-mu-rh, who 
had the title Ning wang.^^^ This country was properly 
called Sa-li Wei-wu-rh (Sari-Uigur).^^^ It is about 1000 li 

983 Now-a-days the basin of the Kukenor lake and the mountainous 
regions in which the greatest rivers of China, the Huang ho and the 
Yang tsz', take their rise, are comprised by the Chinese in the general 
name Ts'ing hai or Azure Sea, which has the same meaning as Kukenor 
in Mongol. 

^^^ Com p. History of the Anterior Han, chap. xcvi. The name Kiang 
in ancient times was applied to the tribes who lived in the Kukenor 
country and North-Eastern Tibet. 

^85 The title Ning xoang was first bestowed, in 1 306, upon Kubilai 
Khan's eighth son, K'uo-k'uo-ch'u. See Yiian shi, chap, cvii., genealog. 
table. Bu-yin T'ie-mu-rh, who ruled over An-ting when the Ming ex- 
pelled the Mongols from China, seems to have been a descendant of that 

^86 I have not been able to find the name An-ting mentioned in the 
Yiian history, but the name Sa-li Wei-wu-rh occurs there once. Piano 
Carpini also mentions the Sari-Huiur. For further particulars see i. 263. 
I am not prepared to say whether the place Sari marked on our maps 
of Tibet, between 34° and 35" N. lat. and about 86° E. long., Sa-li of the 
Chinese maps, has anything to do with the Sari Uigurs. 


ill extent, borders to the east on Han-dung (see farther 
on), to the north on Sha chou, to the south on Si fan 
(Kukenor). There are no cities in this country. The 
people dwell in felt tents and breed plenty of camels, 
horses, cattle, and sheep. 

In 1370 the emperor Hung wu sent an envoy to this 
country to make known the imperial manifestos, and in 
1374, in the sixth month, Bu-yin T'ie-mu-rh sent one of 
liis chief officers, by name Ma-fa-rli, and others to offer 
tribute to the Chinese court. They brought armour, swords, 
and products of their country. The emperor was much 
delighted, and received the embassy kindly. Subsequently 
a Chinese officer was despatched to An-ting, who divided 
the country into four tribes (districts), namely, A-duan, 
A-djen, Jo-sicn, and Tie-li.^^'^ The prince (Bu-yin T'ie- 
mu-rh) in the next year sent one of his officers to the 
Chinese court to offer the tablet of authority written with 
golden and silver letters which formerly had been granted 
to the prince by the Yiian. He begged the emperor to 
establish in his country two wei or military districts in 
An-ting and in A-duan ; to which the emperor assented. 
He bestowed on Bu-yin T'ie-mu-rh the title vjang (prince), 
and to one of his officers, Sha-la, the military rank of 
chi hui. In 1376 the emperor despatched an officer to 
An-ting with presents for the prince and his officers. In 
the next year the prince was killed by Sha-la, and his son 
perished likewise. A revolution broke out in the country. 
Do-rh-dji-ha, a general, revolted, withdrew to the Sha mo 
(desert), and from there appeared again to plunder An- 
ting. He took also with him the imperial seal. In 1 392 
the Chinese general Lang Yu with his host marched out 
westward (from Kan su, it seems), and advanced as far 
as the river A-djen. In 1396 the emperor sent one of 
his officers to set in order the affairs of An-ting, and to 

•■^ Of A'dttan we shall speak in the next article. On A-djen see farther 
on. It was also the name of a river. T'ie-le is probably the 'T'e-le of the 
Mongol annals {v. i. 263), 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



re-establish the military administration there. In 141 3 
I-pan-dan, a grandson of Bu-yin T'ie-mu-rh, who had 
retired to Ling-dsang ^^^ offered tribute to the emperor, 
who invested him with the title prince of An-ting. It 
happened in 1424 that Chinese envoys who had been 
sent to Wu-sz-dsang (Tibet) rested on the rivers Bi-li- 
dju ^^^ and Huang yctng cliuan (Antelope river), when they 
were attacked by the troops of San-k'o and San-dsi-sz, the 
first being one of the chieftains in An-ting, the other a 
chi hui of K'il-sien. They robbed the embassy, killed the 
envoys, and fled. When the emperor heard of this violation 
of his authority, he became very angry, and sent out con- 
siderable forces under the command of Li Ying and K^ang 
Shou to pursue the rebels. Li Ying arrived at the K''un- 
lun mountains, and proceeding several hundred li westward, 
reached the country Ya-ling-Uuo, where he met the rebels 
of An-ting and defeated them with great slaughter. But 
the rebels of K'ii-sien had got wind and succeeded in 
hiding themselves. Li Ying then returned. 

In 1446 I-pan-dan died, and his son, Ling-djan-gan- 
sie-rh, succeeded him as prince of An-ting. He died in 
1490, and was succeeded by his son, Tsien-len. At that 
time the prince of Hami had died without leaving a son. 
The Chinese government wished that Shan-ha, a descendant 
of a lateral branch of the princes of Hami, from which the 
princes of An-ting also derived their origin, should be 
placed on the throne of Hami. Shen-ba then was living 
in K'u-sien (see farther on). But Ts'ien-ben raised claims 
in favour of his brother. Nevertheless Shen-ba was elected 
prince of Hami. 

Under the reign of Cheng te, in 15 12, the Mongol chief 
I-hu-la Tai shi, followed by the tribe A-rh-fo-sz, con- 
quered Tsing hai (Kukenor, v. supra), and ravaged the 

^ Ling-dsang is again mentioned farther on in the article Wu-sz'-dsang 
as situated in Tibet. 

^^ The name of a river Bi-li-dju occurs for a second time in the article 
A-duan (see farther on). The great highway to Tibet passed by this 


adjacent countries. Thus they destroyed also the princi- 
pality of An-ting. 

The nanae An-ting is not found on modern Chinese or 
European maps referring to the regions in question. Its 
position in ancient times can only be approximately de- 
termined from the particulars above translated. It was 
situated west of Kukenor, somewhere near the K'un-lun 

More than ten years ago, the well-known traveller 
Captain H. Trotter, whom I had the pleasure of meeting 
in Peking, informed me that, according to the Pandits 
entrusted with the survey of Tibet, there is north-west of 
the Tenkiri lake, in the country where the Sokpo Kalmuks 
live, a famous monastery called Adj'an. This name is 
known also to the Mongol Lamas in Peking. It may be 
that it is connected with the district of the same name 
noticed in the Ming history. 


A-duan is comprised in the country of Sa-li Wei-vm-rh 
(see note 986). As we shall see, the Ming shi notices 
farther on that A-duan borders east on Han-dung, north 
on Sha chou. In 1375 emperor Hung wu established here 
a military administration. Subsequently A-duan was plun- 
dered by Do-rh-dji-ha (see article An-ting). In 1406 the 
chief of A-duan, by name Siao-sie, and others, arrived at 
Peking to offer tribute, and solicited that the military 
administration in their country might be re-established. 
The emperor agreed, and bestowed upon Siao-sie and the 
other chiefs military ranks. 

In the reign of Hung hi (1425-26) the chief of Iv ii-sien, 
by name San-dsi-sz' (the same who had in 1424 robbed 
the Chinese envoys on their way to Tibet), induced one of 
the chi hui of A-duan, by name So-lu-dan, to unite with 
him for plundering once more a Chinese embassy. The 

i5&i6cENT.] A-DUAN. 209 

emperor sent a great host in their pursuit, but the Chinese 
were not able to lay hold of the robbers. They could 
only prohibit their returning to their countries. In 
143 1 the emperor appointed Djen-dji-han to administer 
the military district of A-duan. Although his father 
had been implicated in the robbing of the Chinese 
envoys, and Djen-dji-han had accordingly retired to the 
river Bi-li-dju, where the great highway to Wu-sz'- 
dsang (Tibet) passes, the emperor had pardoned him, and 
he had returned with his clan to their former seats in 

In this article on A-duan it is finally stated that there 
was a realm of the same name in the country of the 
Hui-hui (Mohammedans), distant one month's journey 
from T'ie-rh-gu. 

As to the last-mentioned A-duan, it seems to me that 
here Khotan is meant, which in the Yuan shi is generally 
termed 0-duan (v. supra). However, as we shall see far- 
ther on, the Ming shi treats of Khotan under its ancient 
Chinese name Yil-fien. 

But regarding the country A-duan, which properly 
forms the subject of this article, and which, according to 
the Chinese accounts, was originally comprised in the 
territory of Sa-li Wei-wu-rh, 1500 li south-west of Kan 
chou, I have little doubt that it must be looked for in the 
regions where the Yellow Ptiver takes its rise. In the 
Yiian shi, chap. Ixiii., we find a dissertation on the Sources 
of the Yellow River. It is stated there that in 1280 
Kubilai Khan despatched one of his high officers, Tu-shi, 
to explore the sources of the Huang ho. Tu-shi ascertained 
that the sources of this river consist of more than a hun- 
dred lakelets or marshes, which, when looked upon from an 
elevated place, liave the appearance of a constellation, 
wherefore this country is called 0-duan nao-rh, which is 
the same as Sa sing hai in Chinese (starry sea). Odun in 
Mongol means ** star," nor = lake. On modern Chinese 



maps the country from which the Yellow Eiver issues is 
termed Odun tala (starry plain). 


It lies south-west of Su cJiou, and borders to the east on 
the district of An-ting. It is comprised in that country 
where anciently the Si Jung or Si K'iang of the Han period, 
or the Tu-fan in the days of the T'ang dwelt^^o xhe 
Yiian (Mongols) established here a military administration 
{yilan shi fu, properly " head-quarters "), called K^il-sien 

In the reign of the first Ming emperor, the chief of 
K'li-sien arrived with tribute at the Chinese court. The 
rank of chi hui was bestowed upon him. A military ad- 
ministration was established at K*ii-sien. When Do-rh- 
dji-ha revolted {v. supra), the people of K'u-sien were 
partly destroyed, and the rest annexed to the district of 
An-ting. They dwelt in the country called A-djen (v. 

In 1406 K'ii-sien was again separated from An-ting. 
The rank of chi hui was bestowed upon San-dsi, who had 
then charge of the district of K*u-sien. San-dsi-sz was 
appointed his assistant, but subsequently, at his request, 
was allowed to move and govern the country Lo-wang- 
huai. Eighteen years later, San-dsi-sz', together with one 
of the chieftains of An-ting, attacked and plundered a 
Chinese embassy. A Chinese host marched out to punish 
them (as has been related above), but was not able to seize 
San-dsi-sz', who, with his people, had hidden himself at 
a long distance. Subsequently he was pardoned by the 
emperor, who invited him even to return and to administer 
42,000 tents (families). San-dsi-sz' then sent an embassy 
to thank the emperor, and offered camels and horses. In 
1430 a Chinese envoy, who had returned from the Si yil 
(Western countries), reported that San-dsi-sz' again had 

*^ All these names were applied in ancient times to Tibet and tribes of 
Tibetan race. 

15 & i6 CENT.] CH'I-GHIN. 211 

stopped and robbed envoys carrying tribute to the court, 
and that he had entirely shut up tlie passage. The em- 
peror then became very angry, and ordered great forces to 
be sent in pursuit of the robbers. San-dsi-sz' succeeded in 
escaping before the Chinese arrived, but his companion, 
T^o-fo-hu-hua, was completely defeated and killed. At 
length San-dsi-sz' was again pardoned, sent an embassy to 
express his thanks, and then was allowed to return to his 
country, where he died in 1432. He was succeeded by his 
son, Bu-li. In the reign of Ch'eng hua (1465-88), the 
T^u-lu-fan (people of Turfan) invaded and ravaged K*u- 
sien. In the reign of Hung chi (1488-1506), Shan-ha, the 
son of the prince of An-ting, who lived in K'tL-sien, was 
called to rule over Hami (y. supra). In 15 12 the great 
headman of the Meng-gio (Mongols), I-hu-la, followed by 
the tribe A-rh-fu-sz, after making himself master of Ts'ing 
hai (Kukenor), ravaged also K*u-sien, and destroyed the 
military administration there. 


Proceeding from Kia yii huan westward twenty li, one 
arrives at a place called Ta tsao fan (high grass shoal). 
Farther on thirty li, the ffei shan rh (Black hill) is reached, 
and seventy li from the Black hill is Hui-hui mu (Moham- 
medan tomb). Farther west forty li is Shen ma cKeng 
(gelding's city). There is a remarkable tun Cai, in which 
look-out soldiers are kept.^^^ Eighty li west of this place 
lies CKi-ghin^'^ At the time of the Han dynasty there 

** The Chinese beacon-towers of the Ming are well described by Per- 
sian travellers in the fifteenth century. See Dr. Zenker's above-quoted 
translation of the Khitai nameh. 

••^ The greater part of the above-mentioned places west of Kia yii kxian 
are found on the great Chinese map on the road between this gate and the 
city of Yu men hien. There are on the Chinese map two posts or stations, 
CKi-ghin, viz., CUighin hu t'ai (post at the lake Ck'i-ghin) and Clii-ghin 
hia t'ai (post at the defile of CKi-ghin). A river runs between these two 
posts connecting two lakes. 


was here the district of Tun liuang; ^^ at the time of the 
Tsin the district of Chang kun. In the T'ang period this 
land belonged to Kua chou, and in the Mongol period to 
the circuit {lu) of Sha chou. 

In A.D. 1380 the (Ming) general Pu ying, on his expe- 
dition westward, arrived at Po clieng (White city), captured 
the Mongol commander Hu-du THe-mu-rh, then reached 
the post of CJii-ghin, and made I-lien-djen, prince of 
Fin^^ and his people, consisting of fourteen hundred 
men, prisoners. He seized also the golden seal (granted 
by the Mongol emperors), and then returned. Subse- 
quently a Mongol tribe took again possession of CKi-ghin. 
There was a Mongol by name Ta-li-ni, the son of K^u-dju, 
an ancient (Mongol) minister. He lived at first in the 
country of Ha-la-fo, and in 1 404 came with more than five 
hundred men to submit. He was appointed commander 
of a thousand, with an imperial seal in CJii-ghin, where a 
military post {su) was established. T*a-li-ni distinguished 
himself on several occasions in attacking and capturing 
rebels and robbers. The emperor in return advanced him 
to the rank of chi hui tiien shi. In 14 10 this military 
post was raised to a wei (military district). In 141 1 T'a- 
li-ni died, and his son Ts ie-wang-shi-ghia succeeded to 

The stations Cliigliin pu and Chighin hia appear in Colonel Matus- 
sowsky's itinerary (1875). In 1879, August, the expedition of Count B, 
Szechenyi passed by the same route from Kia yii kuan via Yii men hien 
and An si to Sha chou. Lieutenant G. Kreitner, the diarist of this expedi- 
tion (" Im Fernen Osten," p. 645), mentions the same stations, but writes 
the names erroneously Tscha tjen pu and Tscha tjen hia. According to 
him, Tscha tjen hia (or Chighin hia) is situated on a lovely oasis abounding 
ill grass and water. There is a little lake, into which three mountain 
rivers discharge themselves. 

*"' In the second century B.C. the Chinese established four districts 
in these regions at the north-western frontier, viz., Tsiu tsiian, Wu wei, 
Chang ye, and Tun huang, the westernmost of these districts, situated west 
of Yii menkuan. 

^* According to the genealogical table of the Mongol dynasty (Yiian 
•hi, chap, cvii.), the title princes of Pin had been bestowed upon some de- 
scendants of Hulagu, Ilkhan of Persia. In tliis table I-lien-dji Ba-ti appears 
M a descendant of llulagu in the fourth generation. 

CH'I-GHIN. — 213 

him. He presented tribute and received a Chinese rank. 
In 1436 it happened that one of his subjects, a military 
officer, had plundered an embassy proceeding from A-duan 
in the Si yil (Khotan, v. supra) with tribute to China, and 
even killed the envoy and twenty-one men of his suite. 
But he was punished at the demand of the emperor, and 
obliged to deliver the goods he had robbed. In 1440 a 
Chinese envoy who went to Hami passed through Ch'i-ghin. 
Ts'ie-wang-shi-ghia supplied him with provisions, mules, 
horses, and even gave him a convoy. In return the empe- 
ror raised him in rank. In the next year it was reported 
to the emperor that a man belonging to Ts*ie-wang-shi- 
ghia's tribe, but pretending to be a man from Sha chou, 
used to stop the envoys coming with tribute from the 
Si yii and plunder them. The emperor ordered the cul- 
prits to be punished. At that time the Wa-la had become 
powerful,^^ and frequently invaded the neighbouring 
countries. Ts*ie-wang-shi-ghia, who feared them, solicited 
from the emperor permission to retire to Su chou. But 
the emperor did not assent, promising to protect him. 
In 1443 Yc-sien, the chief of the Wa-la, sent an envoy 
with presents to Ch'i-ghin and asked Ts*ie-wang-shi-ghia's 
daughter in marriage for his son, and at the same time he 
asked a daughter of the chief of Sha chou as wife for his 
younger brother. But both refused, notwithstanding the 
emperor's advice to accept the proposition. In 1444 Ts*ie- 
wang-shi-ghia, who had grown old, retired, and his son 
A'SU took the administration of Ch*i-ghin, and was con- 
firmed by the Chinese emperor. Ye-sien twice sent envoys 
to him to propose a marriage, but A-su refused. 

In 1448 it happened that Chinese troops, escorting an 
envoy to the prince of Hami, when resting in the city of 
K^u yil (see note 948), were attacked by the commander of 
the troops of Ch'i-ghin, who surrounded the city. But 
the Chinese made a sortie, defeated the rebels, and took 

** The Wala or Oirats, at the time here Bpoken of, had even a preponde- 
rating influence at the Mongol court at Kaiakorum. 


the leader prisoner. A-su was a faithful adherent of 
China, and resisted the proposition Ye-sien made him to 
make a league with him against the emperor. He died in 
1466. His son Wa-sa-fa-rh succeeded him. He died in 
1 47 1, and was succeeded by his son Shang-hi-fa-rh in the 
administration of Oh'i-ghin. 

In 1473 the Su-fan of T^u-lu-fan, having captured 
Hami, sent envoys to Ch'i-ghin with a letter to the com- 
mander of the troops there, inviting him to attack China; 
but the commander put the envoys to death and sent the 
letter to the emperor. In 1482 Ch*i-ghin assisted Han- 
cJien in retaking Hami (y. supra). In 1483 the neigh- 
bouring tribe, Ye-mie-Uo-li (see note 941) invaded and 
plundered Ch'i-ghin. Subsequently the Tu-lu-fan (Tur- 
fan) frequently ravaged this district, and finally destroyed 
the military station there in 1 5 1 3. The Chinese govern- 
ment then removed the remains of the Mongol tribe of 
Ch'i-ghin to the southern mountains of Su chou. In 1528 
they hardly numbered a thousand men. 

The Ming Geography enumerates the following natural 
productions in the district of Ch'i-ghin : — 

Camels, — hu-fung-lil, the exudation of a tree {Populus 
euphratica, see note 944), which is used for soldering gold 
and silver. — Po-mo ken^^ — kin fing tsao (a plant un- 
known to me), — jou tsung jung (Fhelipaea, a plant used as 
a medicine by the Mongols, v. i. p. 102), — sha tsao (sand 
jujubes, the Chinese name for the fruit of Ela^agnus), — fu 
kin (gold dust), — nao sha (sal ammoniac, see note 975), — 
ku fan (a mineral, unknown to me). 

Klaproth ("Asia Polyglotta," 269) as well as Howorth 
(" Mongols," i. 499, 500) are disposed to identify the Clti- 
ghin Mongols of the Ming period with the Khoshotes or 
Kalmuks of Kokenor of our days. Delamarre, in his 

^^ According to the Pen ts ao kang mu, chap, xii., this is a plant with 
yellow flowers, which resembles the mu au or lucerne, and the roots of which 
are used as a medicine. 

15 & l6 CEXT.] 



translates the above 

o> '^77^ translates tne a Dove name 
accordinfr to the meaninir of the 

"Histoire des Ming," 
Tche-kin Moung-hou, 
Chinese characters, by " Mongols aux haches rouges." But 
GKi-ghin is without doubt a Mongol word, meaning " ear," 
frequently used in Mongol geographical appellations. 
Archimandrite Palladius, in his "M. Polo in N. China," 
observes that Ch'i-ghin is properly the name applied to 
two lakes there, the great and the little one. Kreitner, on 
the map appended to his narrative of Szechenyi's journey, 
indeed places two lakes in the vicinity of Chighin. 


Proceeding from Ch*i-ghin 200 li westward, one arrives 
at K'^u yil (see note 948). From this place the way leads 
at first southward, then westward, and after advancing 
190/1 the traveller reaches Kua cJiouP'^ Four hundred 
and forty li west of Kua chou lies Sha chou.^^ At the 
time of the Han here was the district of Tun huang, 
situated at the border of the Si yil, opposite and not far 
from the two fortresses Yil men kuan and Yang kuanP^ 

•^ On the great Chinese map "Ancient Kua chou" appears about 190 
li north-west of K'u yii, 100 Zi east of Tun huang hien (Sha chou), south of 
the road which leads from this city to An si chou. Kua chou was founded 
in the beginning of the T'ang period, a.d. 622. Lieutenant Kreitner, who 
accompanied Count B. Szechenyi on his expedition to Tibet in 1879, visited 
the ruins of Kua chou{" Im Fernen Osten," 673, 676). It was a large and 
populous city till about 1869, when it was destroyed by the Mohammedan 
rebels. The site assigned to this place on the Chinese map seems to be 

•* There is evidently a mistake in the figures. Przewalsky ("Tibet," 
93) visited Sha chou in June 1879. He states that Sha chou is also called 
2'un huang. Lieutenant Kreitner, who reached Tun huang hicn in the 
same year a few months earlier, states that the ruins of ancient Sha chou 
are situated opposite modern Tun huang, between the left bank of the Tan 
river and its branches (" Im Fernen Osten," p. 658, Peterm. " Geogr. 
Mitth.," 1882, p. 418). The Chinese map, however, locates "Ancient 
Sha chou" — I am not able to say on what authority — about icx) li south- 
west of Tun huang. 

••• The fortresses Til men leiMn and Yang huan were built in the reign 
of the Han emperor Wu ti, about 120 B.C., west of Kia yii kuan. The 
foundation of Tun huang falls iu the same period. See note 993. Yii 


Sha chou was founded under the Wei dynasty (386-5 58). '^^^'^ 
During the T^ang dynasty the name was not changed. 
Subsequently the T^u-fan (Tibetans) took possession of 
Sha chou. In the days of the Sung Sha chou belonged to 
the Si Hid (Tangut empire). In the Mongol period there 
was a circuit (department) Sim chou lu. 

The history of Sha chou during the Ming period, as 
related in the Ming shi, has a great resemblance to what 
has been recorded with respect to the afore-mentioned 
districts. When the Ming established their power in 
China, Sha chou was, like Ch'i-ghin, in the possession of 
a Mongol tribe. 

In 1404 two of the chieftains of Sha chou, ICun-dsi-lai 
and Mai-dju, came in person to submit to the emperor, 
who ordered to establish at Sha chou a military district, 
and put at the head of it the aforesaid chieftains, bestow- 
ing on them the ranks of chi hui shi. Mai-dju died 
in 14 10, and then K*un-dsi-lai alone administered Sha 

In 1424 it happened that an envoy of T'^ai ping, prince 
of the Wa-la (Oirats, v. supra), on his way to the Chinese 
courtfound the passage barred by robbers, when K'un-dsi-lai 
gave him an escort. The latter was accordingly rewarded 
by the emperor. In 1425 envoys from I-li-ha-li (Moghu- 

men kuan stood on the same place where now-a-days the city of Yii men 
Men lies ; the site of Yang kuan was, according to the Chinese authors, 
1 30 li south-west of Tun huang. 

1000 The Ming shi is wrong. As I have stated above, the name of Sha 
chou dates from the year a.d. 622. According to the Geography of the 
Yuan dynasty (quoted in the Ming Geography), the name of Sha chou is 
derived from the Ming sha shan, the rumbling sandhill near that place. 
The description of Tun huang hien states that the sand rolling down the 
hill produces a particular sound similar to that of distant thunder. Com- 
pare also about Sha chou, p. 18, and with respect to the rumbling sand- 
hill, the report of a Chinese envoy of the tenth century, translated by 
Rdmusat in his " Ville de Khotan," p. 77. According to this traveller, 
the rumbling sands producing sounds similar to those of thunder are ten H 
south of Kua chou. See also in Yule's "Cathay," p. 156, ccxliv., about 
the Friar Odoric's account of the sandy hill in Tartary, on which he heard 
the sounds of invisible drums. 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



listan) and Sa-ma-rh-han were plundered in the territory 
of Hami by robbers from Sha chou. The military governor 
of Su chou received orders to pursue them. In 1426 K'un- 
dsi-lai's people were suffering from dearth, and he sent an 
envoy to China to solicit a loan of corn, promising the 
restitution in autumn. The emperor, complying with this 
request, said: " I consider you foreigners also my subjects, 
and therefore do not require the restitution." The emperor 
despatched also one of his eunuchs to Sha chou to bestow 
presents on K 'un-dsi-lai. In 1432 there was again dearth 
in Sha chou, and the emperor consented to relieve the 
people with corn supplied from Su chou. In the same 
year the envoys from Ha-lie (Herat), who had carried 
tribute to the court, complained that they had been plun- 
dered on their way in the district of Sha chou by Go-yu, 
the chi hui of Ch'i-ghin. K'un-dsi-lai then received 
orders to inquire into this matter. 

In 1434 K'un-dsi-lai sent an envoy to the court com- 
plaining that the district of Sha chou was frequently 
plundered by robbers from Si fan (Tangut), who robbed 
men and cattle ; and as he was not able to resist them, he 
solicited permission to withdraw and settle with his people 
at the ancient city of CKa-han. But the emperor did not 
agree, saying : " You have been living in Sha chou for more 
than thirty years ; your people breed plenty of cattle and 
horses and have become wealthy ; your arguments have no 
foundation." But in the next year, 1435, Sha chou was 
plundered by the people of Hami, and as Iv'un-dsi-lai 
feared also the Wa-la, he decided to abandon Sha chou, 
and with 200 followers presented himself at the Chinese 
frontier in a state of extreme penury. The Chinese gover- 
nor at the frontier supplied them with corn, and proposed 
to the emperor to establish K'un-dsi-lai at K'u yu. One 
part of his tribe had emigrated to Hami. Subsequently 
the chi hui of Han-dung (see farther on) established him- 
self in the district of Sha chou, but he was expelled by 
the chi hui of Clii-ghin, In 1440 the emperor ordered 


the Chinese governor at the frontier to rebuild the city of 
K^u-yil with the assistance of Chinese soldiers. In the 
winter of 144 1 the work was finished. K'un-dsi-lai sent 
an envoy with presents to thank the emperor. In 1442 
he died. His eldest son, Nan-lco, with two younger 
brothers, went to the Chinese court to offer tribute. 
Nan-k'o received the rank of tu tu tiien shi and returned. 
Subsequently a great number of Nan-k'o's people made 
preparations for emigrating to the Wa-la, but the Chinese 
government succeeded in good time in stopping the emi- 
gration, and in 1446 they transferred the whole tribe from 
Sha chou, more than 200 families, numbering more than 
1230 men, to China, to the district of Kan chou. The 
city of Sha chou was abandoned by the Chinese, and Ban- 
ma-sz\ the chief of Han-dung, took possession of it. 

The brother of Nan-k'o, by name So-nan-hen, was not 
willing to obey the Chinese government, and surrendered 
to Ye-sien, the chief of the Wa-la. But the Chinese, who 
liad been informed that So-nan-ben lived in Han-dung, 
succeeded in capturing him. It had been proposed to 
execute him, but on account of the merits of his father 
and brother the emperor pardoned him. He was sent to 
Tung cliang (in the province of Shan tung). 


It is situated south of Ch'i-ghin and south-west of Kia 
yii kuan. It lies also in the land which in the days of the 
Han constituted the district of Tun huang. 

In 1 392 a general of the Ming, when pursuing robbers, 
arrived in the country of Han-dung. A great number of 
the people living there fled and hid themselves. But 
subsequently they returned, and in 1397 tlie chief of the 
tribe, by name So-nan-gM'la-sz\ sent an envoy with 
tribute to the Chinese court. The emperor then ordered 
a military administration in Han-dung to be established. 

As I do not wish to fatigue the reader further by 

15 & i6 CENT.] HAN-DUNG— HA-MEI-LI. 


records of embassies sent to the Chinese court, of pre- 
datory excursions, and of the plundering of embassies, I 
may briefly state with respect to the history of Han- 
dung that it resembles much the histories of the afore- 
mentioned military districts. Han-dung was also ruled 
by native chiefs who had Chinese rank. The troops of 
, Han-dung, numbering 3000 men, assisted China in the 
rar with Turfan. In the beginning of the sixteenth 
[century the Mongols began to oppress the people of Han- 
dung. The Mongols at that time had taken possession of 
Tsing hai (Kukenor). At length the Chinese government 
transferred the whole tribe of Han-dung to Kan chou. 


This is the same as ancient Sha cJiou. There had been 
a discord among the people of Han-dung, and one part of 
them, conducted by An-chang, had settled on the territory 

)f Sha chou, after this district had been abandoned by 
'un-dsi-lai {v. supra). After An-chang's death his son 

lan-mic-sz was put at the head of the tribe. He was 

suspected by the Chinese government of acting in collusion 
'with Ye-sien, chief of the Wa-la. He died in the reign of 
Ch*eng hua (1465-88), and was succeeded by his grandson, 
Dji-lio, In 1479 the Chinese government established at 
the ancient city of Sha chou the military administration 

)f Han-dung the left. Dji-k*o then was placed at the 
head of it. At length the Sultan of Turfan took possession 
of this district. 


This country is not far from the district of Kan su. 
The prince Wu-na-shi-li, a relative of the Yiian (the 
Mongol house reigning in China), was living there when 

1001 'pjjg Chinese character tso, the left side, is commonly used for the 
east, but in this case it seems west is intended, for Han-dung, according 
to this account, lay south of Ch'i-ghin, and Han-dung the left or Sha chou 
must have been west of it. 


that dynasty was overthrown by the Ming. In 1380 the 
Chinese general Pic Ting, who exercised his troops in Si 
liang (present Liang chou fu in Kan su), solicited from 
the emperor permission to move out with his troops and 
take possession of the country of Ha-mei-li, in order to 
open through it a commercial route. The emperor agreed, 
but advised Pu Ying to be cautious. When Wu-na-shi-li 
had heard of the general's marching out, he ofifered 
his submission, and in the next year despatched the 
Mohammedan A-lao-ding (Alaeddin) with tribute to the 
Chinese court. The emperor rewarded him, and sent an 
officer to the country of the Wei-wu-rh (Uigurs) ^^^^ to 
make known to the foreigners his manifestos. 

In 1390 the emperor was informed that Wu-na-shi-li 
frequently disturbed the adjacent districts, and used to 
stop the caravans of the Mohammedans in the Si yu when 
passing through his territory, and even when they went by 
another way he plundered and killed the envoys. The 
emperor grew very angry, and ordered the commander of 
the troops in Kan su and another general to punish Wu- 
na-shi-li. The Chinese forces marched out from Si liang^ 
proceeded westward, and in the night arrived at the city of 
Ha-mei-li, which they surrounded. One of Wu-na-shi-li's 
officers came out to surrender. The next morning Wu-na- 
shi-li ordered more than 300 horses to be driven out from 
the city, and whilst the Chinese were hunting after the 
horses, he himself, with his family, succeeded in escaping. 
The Chinese captured his city. Bie-rh-Uie THe-mu-rh, 
the prince of Pin}^^ and 1400 men were killed. The son 
of the prince and 1730 men were made prisoners. The 
golden and silver seals (bestowed formerly upon the prince 
by the Mongols) fell also into the hands of the Chinese. 

Chapter ccexxxi. of the Ming shi treats for the greater 

1002 Xhu8 it seems that Ha-mei-li was comprised in the country of the 

)003 With respect to the princes of Pin, compare note 994. 

i5&i6cENT.] TIBET— SI TIEN. 221 

part of Tibet, and then refers to some kingdoms of India 
which had political intercourse with China. 


We have seen (y. p. 24) that already in the Yuan his- 
tory Tibet is sometimes designated by this name, which 
seems to be a corruption of the joined names of the two 
provinces U and Tsang. 

The Ming shi states that Wu-sz'-dsang lies west of the 
)orderof the province of Yiiii nan, and is more than 1000 
[Zt distant from the city of Li kiang fu, 1500 li from 

t-lm-fu in Sz' ch'uan, 5000 li from Si ning in Shen si.^^^* 

Besides the successors of Ba-sz'-ha, whom Kubilai Khan 

lad constituted chief Lama of Tibet (and who had their 

residences, it seems, at Lhassa), the Ming shi mentions 

seven other heads of the Lamait Church in Tibet. In the 

beginning of the fifteenth century the Chinese emperor 

)estowed upon them Chinese titles. ^^^^ 


In 1374 Bu-ha-lu, the ruler of this country, sent his 
5hief explainer {kiang cMi), by name Bi-ni-si, with tribute 
bo the Chinese court. He brought, among other things, 

stone which had the property of neutralising poison. 

1004 rpj^g distances seem to refer to Lhassa, the capital of Tibet. 

1005 YoT further particulars on the subject see Klaproth's " Magazin 
■Asiatique," ii. 213. Klaproth translates the article Si dsang (the modern 

Chinese name for Tibet, Western Dsang), found in the Great Geography of 
the present dynasty. 

^""^ Si Hen (Western Heaven) is a Chinese name applied to India in 
some Chinese translations of Buddhist works. 

A-nan-gung-de sounds like Annagoondy, which, according to W. Hamilton 
(" East India Gazetteer," 1828), is the name by which the Canarese desig- 
nated the celebrated city of Bijanagur, founded in 1 336 on the Toom- 
buddra river, on the right bank of which the ruins of it can still be seen. 
Opposite, on the left bank, are the vast ruins to which the name of Anna- 
goondy is usually applied. About 15° 20' N. lat. In 1443 Shah Roksent 
an embassy to the king of Bijanagur. See " India in the Tifteenth Cen- 
tury," by Major, 1857, Hakluyt Society. 


After this no embassy from that country was seen in 
China. That is all the Ming shi records with respect to 
this Indian kingdom. 

At the end of the short record of the embassy from 
A-nan-gung-de the Ming history notices also an embassy 
sent to the Chinese court by the Jaw shi ^^^'' Do-rh-dji Uie- 
lie-shi sz-ha dsang-hu of Ho-lin. This embassy reached 
the Chinese capital at the same time as that from A-nan- 
gung-de. The annalist explains that Ho-lin is the name 
of the capital of T'^ai tsu, the first Mongol emperor.^^^ 
The kuo shi had despatched his kiang chu (chief explainer), 
by name Ju-nu-wang-shu, to present to the emperor a 
Buddha's statue of copper, sacred relics, white cloth called 
ha-dan, one seal of jade, four seals of gold, five of silver, 
three tablets of authority with golden letters ; all these 
things having been bestowed upon the kuo shi in former 
times by the Mongol emperors. The emperor received 
the envoy kindly. In the next year the kuo shi of Ho-lin 
once more sent presents, a Buddha's statue, relics, and 
two horses. The emperor bestowed upon the envoy a 
priest's robe of silk. 


Ni-ha-la is situated west of chu Dsang (literally the 
whole Dsang or Tibet), and quite far from China. The 
rulers of this country are Buddhist monks. In 1384 the 
emperor Hung wu despatched a Buddhist monk thither 
with an imperial rescript and presents. This envoy 
visited also the adjacent kingdom of Di-yung-t'a. The 
king of Ni-ba-la, by name Ma-da-na lo-mo, then sent in 
return an embassy to the emperor to present a Buddha's 

1007 Kuo tJii, or " teacher of the empire," was a title given by the Mongol 
emperors to the chief lamas. The Ming annalist explains the term by fan 
seng, or Tibetan lama. 

'"^ The Ming shi is wrong, for Ho-lin or Karakorum was only founded 
by Chinghiz' successor Ogotai in 1235. 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



statue of gold, five horses, &c. This embassy reached the 
Chinese capital in 1387. Three years later another em- 
bassy from the same country arrived, and the emperor 
Yung lo subsequently again sent envoys to ISTi-ba-la. At 
that time the name of the ruler of Ni-ba-la was Sha-go- 
sin-di, and that of the ruler of Di-yurig t'a was K"o-lan. 

In 141 8 the emperor Yung lo despatched one of his 
eunuchs to Ni-ba-la, and on his way thither this envoy 
passed through Han-dung, Ling-dsang, Bi-li-gung-wa, Wu- 
sz-dsang (Lhassa), and Ye-lan-hu-na}^^^ 

The kingdom of Ni-ba-la of the Ming historians seems 
to be Nepal. It is mentioned much earlier in the Chinese 
annals. The T'ang History records several embassies 
from M-po-lo to the Chinese court in the seventh century. 
The first arrived in 647. A few years earlier the Chinese 
Buddhist monk Huan tsang had visited this kingdom 
(Beal's " Si yu ki," ii. 82). The early Chinese accounts of 
Nepal have been translated by A. Eemusat in his " Nouv. 
M^l. Asiat.," vol. i. 

The Ming shi gives the names of two kings of Nepal 
who reigned towards the end of the fourteenth century, 
viz., Madana lomo and Shagosindi. Wright, in his " His- 
tory of Nepal," 1877, P- 178-180, mentions for the same 
period Mati sinha deva and Sakti sinha deva, who succes- 
sively reigned there. Shyama sinha deva, the son of 
Sakti, is stated to have sent presents to China, which so 
pleased the emperor that he sent in return a seal with 
the name Sakti sinha engraved on it, and in addition the 
title of Eama, 


This is a kingdom of Si fang (literally Western 
Eegion, another Chinese name for India, which occurs 

1009 Wg i^^yQ already met with some of these names of countries or 
places in previous pages of the Ming history. They are not found on our 
maps of Tibet and the adjacent countries. These regions are still very 
imperfectly known. 


in Chinese translations of Buddhist works. See note 

The emperor Yung lo in 1405 despatched an envoy to 
that country ; but owing to the great distance, no em- 
bassy from there was seen in China. 

After this the Ming shi treats again, in the same 
chapter, of some districts situated apparently in Tibet. 

This place (or country) is stated to be situated beyond 
Sz ch*uan. It borders on the south with Wu-sz' dsang. 
The Yuan (Mongol dynasty) first established a military 
administration in Do-gan. I omit the details on the his- 
tory of Do-gan. 


These districts were all situated beyond Sz' ch*uan in 
Tibet. These names (Chinese names) occur already in the 
Yuan History. The Mongols first established a military 
administration there. I omit the details. 


These districts are stated to lie west of Wei chou in 
Sz' ch*uan. (Wei chou of the Ming period answers 
nearly the present Wen cliuan Men.) 

The 3 3 2d and last chapter of the Ming shi treats of 
Bishhalik or Ilibalik (Moghulistan, Jetes), Kashgar, KJio- 
tan, Sairam, Yanghikand, Tashkand, Shahrukia, Andedjan, 
Samarkand, Bokhara, Khorassan (?), Kash, Termed, And- 

1010 -yyg jjj^yg gggj^ ^Y^Q^ tj^g Ming Geography notices Do-gan as one of 
the military districts in the country of the Si fan. 

***^^ Siian wci sz' is a Chinese superintendency over foreign tribes. 
101a Tibetan names, it seems. 


hdj BadakhsJian, Herat, Kerman, Isfahan, Shiraz, Tauris, 
Egypt, Arabia, Mecca, Medina, Bum, and, besides these, 
notices a number of other places and countries of Central 
and Western Asia, the identification of which presents 
some difficulties. 


Bie-shi-ha-li is a great empire in the Si yii (countries 
of the West). It is bordered on the south by Yu-fien 

1013 There can be no doubt that by Bie-shi-ha-li or Bishbalik (the name 
of the empire was subsequently changed into I-li-ba-li or Ilibalik) the 
Chinese from the end of the fourteenth to the sixteenth century under- 
stood the eastern part of the so-called " Middle Empire," assigned originally 
to Chinghiz Khan's second son, Chagatai. As can be proved by comparative 
investigations, Bie-shi-ba-li of the Ming History is the same as the empire 
of the Jetes or Getes of the Mohammedan chroniclers treating of the same 
period. It was known in the west also under the name of Moghulistan (not 
to be confounded with the country occupied by the true Mongols to the east- 
ward). Timur, in his Autobiography (Stewart's transl., 46, 73), terms this 
empire Desht Jitteh (desht means desert), and considers the Jitteh his 
countrymen. Thus they were the followers of the descendants of Chinghiz. 
As can be concluded from the Mohammedan records, the empire of the 
Jetes embraced in the days of Timur the present Dsungaria, with Hi and 
the greater part of Eastern and Western Turkestan, I am not prepared 
to give any satisfactory explanation of the origin of the names Jetes, Jitteh, 
or Getes, as some orientalists write it. It is certain that it was unknown to 
the Persian authors before Timur's time, and it disappears again in the 
authors posterior to the first half of the fifteenth century. Sherif-eddin, 
the author of the Zafer nameh, records in detail the expeditions under- 
taken by Timur against the Jetes in Moghulistan, as does also Arab Shah. 
Abder-Razzak ( -f- 1483), who wrote the history of Shah Rok, mentions the 
Jetes 8. a. 1425. Some orientalists, in the first place De Guignes, have 
tried to derive the name of the Jetes from that of the Yuc-ti, a nation 
mentioned in the Chinese annals since the second century B.C., and the 
GetcB and Massagetce of the classical authors. It has also been made a 
question whether the Jats, so widely extended over the Pendjab, on the 
banks of the Indus, and in other parts of India, belong to the same race as 
the Jetes in Central Asia. See Vivien de St. Martin's interesting inves- 
tigations on the subject at the end of his treatise, " Les Huns Blancs," 

In order to corroborate the Chinese records regarding Bie-shi-ba-li, I 
may put here together what I have been able to gather from various 
sources with respect to the history of Moghulistan and the Jetes. My 
information is derived from the Tarikhi Rashidi, transl. by Erskine {v. p. 
150) ; from Khondemir's Uabib essiier, transl. by Defremery {v. p. 150) ; 



(Kliotan), on the north by the country of the Wa-la 
(Oirats), on the west by Sa-ma-rh-han (Samarkand), and 

f rom Timur's Autobiography, transl. by Stewart [v. p. 151) ; Sherif-eddin's 
Zafer nameh, transl. by Petis de la Croix {v. p. 1 50), and Abder-Razzak's 
history of Shah Rok, transl. by Quatremere [v. p. 151). Compare also 
Colonel Yule's able notes on the subject in his " Cathay," 522. 

The immediate successors of Chagatai continued to reside chiefly in the 
desert. But within a century of Chagatai's death it had become much the 
custom for the Khans of the Middle Empire to take up their residence in 
the rich and populous country of Maverannahar. In this period a division 
of the Middle Empire had taken place, and two separate Khans governed, 
the one in Maverannahar, the other in the country of the Moghuls and 
Kashgar. This division existed already in 1321, for the Mohammedan 
chroniclers tell us that in this year II khodja, called also Isan Buka, 
who reigned in Maverannahar, was called by the inhabitants of Kashgar, 
Yarkend, Alatagh, and Uiguristan, who found none among them of the 
posterity of Chagatai who might fill the throne which was then vacant 
(Abul Ghazi, p. 165). Maverannahar continued to have its proper Khans, 
who, however, were entirely in the hands of their ministers, the amyrs, 
until at length the great Timur set himself upon the throne of Maveran- 
nahar in 1370. 

Isan Buka seems to have reigned in Moghulistan till about 1330, when 
he died. After a long interregnum, in 1347 his son Tughlak Timur 
ascended the throne, 1 347-63. Some years after his accession he became a 
convert to the Musulman faith. Tughlak Timur owed the throne to the 
Amyr YuLadji, of the powerful family of Daghlat, who then was hereditary 
ruler of Kashgar under the Moghul Khans, a man of great influence. 
Tughlak Timur twice, in 1360 and 1362, invaded and overran Maver- 
annahar, where he established his son Elias Khodja. On the death of 
Yuladji he bestowed the father's office on his son Amyr Khodaidad, 
then only seven years old. Against this nomination Kamar-eddin, a 
younger brother of Yuladji, remonstrated, claiming the office (at Kashgar) 
as belonging of right to himself. But the Khan persisted in supporting 

Elias Khodja Khan, 1363-65. — He was in Samarkand when his father 
died, where he was opposed by the chiefs of the country, headed by Amyr 
Husein, and by the illustrious Amyr Timur, who at length defeated him, 
and Elias was compelled to return to his paternal dominions in the desert 
of Jeteh, where after a short reign he was assassinated by Kamar-eddin. 

Kamar-eddin, 1365-89, the usurper. — After putting to death eighteen 
nriales of the family of Elias, he assumed the title of Khan and the govern- 
ment of the country. But many of the Moghul tribes refused to acknow- 
ledge him. Timur, in his Autobiography, 148, sub anno 1373, calls him 
only " the slave and commander-in-chief of the Jetes." 

Timur was engaged in war with his eastern neighbours, the Jetes, during 
almost the whole time of his reign. 

Id 1370 or 1 37 1 the Jetes advanced towards Maverannahar. Timur, at 

iScent7 MOGHULISTAN. 227 

to the east it is contiguous to Ruo chou (Karakhodjo).^^^* 
It is distant (probably the ordo of the Khan is meant) 

the head of a numerous army, marched out from Samarkand, and advanced 
rapidly as far as Nekah. When he had reached Sairam and Penki, the 
Jetes fled. He went as far as Senghizi Agadje, taking great booty, at 
length arrived at Adun Kuzy, and returned to Samarkand (Zafer nameh, 
ii. 8). 

In 1375, in January, Timur marched out from Samarkand against 
Kamar-eddin, who had advanced to invade Maverannahar. When Timur's 
avant-guard had reached beyond Sairam and arrived at Jarun, they learned 
that Kamar-eddin was encamped at Gheuk tupa (near the Hi river ; see note 
803). Timur's son, Jehanghir, went to beat up his camp ; Kamar-eddin, 
however, sought refuge in a mountain pass called Birke Ghurian, but on 
Timur's arrival fled again. Amyr Hussein, one of Timur's generals, having 
been drowned in the river Ab He (Hi), Jehangir pursued Kamar-eddin 
through a country which was full of trees and caves. Then his troops 
devastated the district of the Jetes called Uch-Ferman (pronounced Uch 
Turfan, west of Aksu). Kamar-eddin again escaped. Timur stayed fifty- 
three days at Baitak (written also Bayak). Among the prisoners taken 
there was the wife of Kamar-eddin and his daughter Dilshad Ac/a, whom 
Timur subsequently took as his wife. Timur leaving the camp, proceeded 
to the mountain of Karakasmak {Shemak in the Autobiography), where he 
met his son Jehangir. From there they marched to Athashi {v. p. 50), and 
reached the beautiful plains of Arpaiazi [Azbehhary in the Autobiography), 
where Timur passed two pleasant months in the season of spring.* After 
this Timur returned to Samarkand by way of Ya^i daban and Uzkend 
(Zafer nameh, ii. 14). 

In 1376 Timur sent the Amirs Sar Bugha, Adil Shah, and others with 
30,000 horse into the country of the Jetes against Kamar-eddin ; but 
these Amirs revolted and marched towards Samarkand, which they be- 
sieged. Timur, who was then on an expedition to Kharezm, returned. 
His son Jehangir had already defeated the rebels, who fled for refuge to 
UruB, Khan of Kipchak, and subsequently joined Kamar-eddin, whom 
they persuaded to join them in making war upon Timur. They proceeded 
to invade Andedjan (Ferghana), and compelled Timur's son Omar Sheikh, 
who was governor there, to retreat. Timur then immediately marched 
against the enemy, M'ho fled. When Timur had reached the village of 
Atbashi (v. supra), accompanied only by 200 men, Kamar-eddin, who had 
remained in ambuscade, briskly sallied out and fell upon Timur. But he 
was repulsed, and when Timur's army arrived, they pursued Kamar-eddin, 
and defeated him at Senghezigadge. Not being able to seize him, Timur 
returned to Samarkand (Zafer nameh, ii. 16-18). 

Sar Bugha and Adil Shah, who had deserted from Timur, having wan- 
dered for two years among the mountains of Karachuk {Karatau chain 

* I may observe that Arpa is the name of a river on the route from the Atpash 
river to Uzkend in FerKtmiia. It forms one of tiie sources of the Alabuga, au afl3ueut 
of the Nai7a, and ruus partly iix a broad valley. 8oe Kostenku's " Turkestan," 1. 34X. 


from Kia yli kuan in tlie south-east 3700 li. It is believed 
that Bie-shi-ba-li occupies the same tracts as in ancient 

east of the Sihon ; see i, p. 170), finally acknowledged their fault and 
requested Timur's pardon. Timur gave orders to bring them to his pre- 
sence. "When they arrived at Otrar, Sar Bugha surrendered, but Adil 
Shah, being alarmed, fled again and took refuge at Aksuma, which is the 
name of a tower built on the top of the mount Karachuk, a place designed 
for a guard to the country', because one may observe from there what is 
done in the plains of Kipchak. But Timur went into the mountain in 
search of this rebel, who was seized and put to death. Sar Bugha was 
pardoned, and served as guide in the campaign against the Jetes (Zafer 
nameh, ii. 19). 

Timur ordered his son Omar Sheikh to march against Kamar-eddin 
directly, whilst Ketai Bahadur should make a detour and get in the rear 
of the enemy's camp. Omar Sheikh with the main body reached the plain 
of Khuratu, where Kamar-eddin was encamped, and defeated him. But 
Kamar-eddin again succeeded in escaping. Ketai having plundered the 
country of the Jetes, rejoined the prince and they returned to Samarkand. 
The troops were no sooner upon their return than Timur resolved to 
march in person into the country of the Jetes. His avant-guard marched 
day and night, and then came upon Kamar-eddin at Bwjam Asigheul 
(Issikul ?), where they put him to flight after a furious battle, and then 
ravaged the country. Timur afterwards pursued Kamar-eddin as far as 
Kuchar (Zafer nameh, ii. 20). 

In 1383 the Zafer nameh (ii. 42) records another expedition sent by 
Timur against Kamar-eddin. His generals proceeded by Atdkum and 
Behrin, arrived at Issigheul (Issikul), and advanced as far as Gheuktopa in 
search of Kamar-eddin. Not being able to find him, they returned in 
autumn to Samarkand (Zafer nameh, ii, 42). 

Kliizer Khodja Khan of Moghulistan, 1389-99. — He was the son of 
Toghlak Timur. When Kamar-eddin put to death the family of the 
Khans, he was still at the breast. Aided by his mother, the Amyr Kho- 
daidad (y. supra) had concealed this child in Kashgar. The boy when 
twelve years old was conveyed to the hill country between Kashgar and 
Badakhshan, then to the hills of Khotan, and finally to Sarigh-Uigur [v. 
i. 263) and Lob Kanik, far in the east, where he remained for twelve years 
more. When Kamar-eddin's power was on the decline, the young man 
was brought back and raised to the Khanship by Amir Khodaidad under 
the style of Khizer Khodja. He contended bravely against Timur in the 

The Zafer nameh (iii. 5) reports under the year 1389 (the year of Khizer 
Khodja's accession) an expedition undertaken by Timur to Moghulistan 
Timur had just defeated the army of Toktamish of Kipchak near the 
Sihun, when he resolved to march thence directly into Moghulistan. The 
army was divided into two bodies. Mirza Omar Sheikh was sent one way, 
Timur with the other body proceeded to Karagucliar, where he encamped. 
Omar Sheikh defeated the enemy in the plain called Jchinas Alagheul 


15 & i6 CENT.] MOGHULISTAN. 229 

times Yen-lci and Kui-tsz'}^^^ In the days of the Mongol 
emperor Shi tsu (Kubilai Khan), there was at Bie-shi-ba-li 

(Alaktil lake ?). Timur sent two of his generals in search of the enemy. 
They marched day and night and arrived at the river Irtysh. They took 
a great many prisoners, and returned with the spoils to the royal camp. 
Timur then passedUhe great desert, and after many days' journey arrived 
at Aimed guju (on the Emil river (?) ; see note 818), and lodged in the palace 
Serai UrdUim (Serai ordo). Here a general council was held, and it was 
decided to ravage the country of the Jetes in various directions. The 
army was divided into several bodies. The road each body had to take 
was set down in written memoirs. The country of Yulduz was designated 
as rallying-point. The prince Omar Sheikh crossed the mountain Dube- 
shin Andur and arrived at Kara koja, which is three months' journey from 
Samarkand by the caravan {v. p. 186). Another body, commanded by 
the Amir Jehan shah and Sheikh Ali, went to Kara art and Shurug- 
luk. Another body, commanded by Osman Abbas, passed by Saghizgariy 
Sugulgan, Ligh, and Geveyar. Khodaidad Huseini and Mobasher Bahadur, 
at the head of another body, went by Urichu to Bikut, where they defeated 
the hordes of Bulgagi and Ilker. Timur himself proceeded by the road of 
Oluk kul, and having ascended the mountain Sichkan daban, met those 
Bulgagis and defeated them. The Amirs Yadghiar Berlas and Soliman 
Shah, who had been left in Western Turkestan, between Jete and Kipchak, 
when Timur invaded the latter country, received also orders to march into 
Moghulistan. They came to the mountain Urdaban, crossed the river Ab 
Eile (Hi river), and arrived at Sutgheul{thQ Sairam lake, see note 476), and 
at length at Chicheklik. From there they went to Balaikan, and whereso- 
ever they met enemies they destroyed them. When they came to Molzudu 
they met Khizer Khodja, Khan of Moghulistan, at the head of a great 
army, and attacked him. The fight lasted two days, when the battle was 
finished by a treaty, according to which the Amirs departed with their 
troops towards Yulduz, the general rendezvous. Timur having passed by 
Keitu and Kongkez * arrived at Yulduz. Having heard the report about 
the battle with Khizer Khodja, he marched quickly, following the track of 
the Moghul Khan. He crossed the river at 'Ulakianaor, passed the great 
desert, and arrived at Kara bulak. From there he went to Tebertash, and 
coming to Ku^lwn kai, he discovered the enemy's army, who however fled, 
favoured by the darkness of the night. Timur having passed the moun- 
tain Nairin Kcutd pursued the enemy as far as Karatash. Then Khizer 
Khodja abandoned his kingdom to save his life. In the meanwhile the 
other bodies of Timur's army terribly ravaged the country of the Jetes, 
and gave no quarter to any one of the inhabitants of that country. They 
advanced as far as Kulan Keutd, took possession of an infinite number of 
horses, camels, and sheep, and made abundance of slaves. 

When the victorious Timur came to Jalish, all the immense booty was 
divided among the soldiers (Jalish is the same as Kharashar, v. p. 200). At 
length, decamping from Jalish and passing by Kagirtu and Bilaghir^ 

* Tbi« U tlie nam* of one of the riven whioh by their Junction form the Hi river. 


a silan wet sz' (see note ion); subsequently it became a 
yuan shuaifu (head-quarters of a Mongol corps).^^^^ 

Timur arrived at Yulduz, where he encamped. The Amirs and the several 
bodies of the army v^ho had ravaged all the quarters of Moghulistan and 
destroyed the Jetes, came to this place, laden with spoils. The Zafer 
nameh adds that Yulduz is a place of great delight and pleasure ; the 
many delicious fountains and abundance of pasture render the living 
therein very agreeable. The beauty of its fountains is the reason of it 
name, for Yulduz means '* the Morning Star." The grass there is so 
strong and nourishing, that the leanest horses, when they have been a week 
in its meadows, become fat and strong.* 

From thence Timur sent Mirza Omar Sheikh to his government of 
Andedjan (Ferghana), ordering him to pass by the way of Kaluga (Iron 
gate). When he had passed this defile he met the prince Kublik, one of 
the great Amirs of the Jetes, defeated him and cut his head ofif. The 
prince Omar then continued his road by Kusan (Kucha), Uch ferman 
(Uch Turf an), and the great city of Kashgar, and at length successfully 
arrived at Andedjan, his residence. 

Timur then resolved to return to Samarkand. He departed from 
Kechik Yulduz (Little Yulduz) at the head of his army, and when he had 
arrived at Olug Yulduz (Great Yulduz), he appointed a solemn feast and 
a magnificent entertainment. They passed several days in this joyful 
manner. On the loth of August 1389 Timur departed, and made such 
expedition that he arrived at Samarkand on the 31st, although the dis- 
tance is generally accounted two months' journey by the caravan (Zafer 
nameh, iii. 5-7). 

At that time Kamar-eddin was still alive. It seems that after the 
flight of Khizer Khodja and the returning home of Timur's army, he had 
again established his power in Moghulistan. In 1390 Timur was obliged 
to send once more a vast army against this usurper. This army was com- 
manded by Soliman Shah, Khodaidad Huseini, Shamseddin Abbas, and 
other generals. Having crossed the Sihun at Tashkend, they marched to 
Issigheul (Issikul lake), where they met 5000 men sent from Andedjan by 
Mirza Omar Sheikh, who joined them. When they arrived at Gheuk topa 
(v. p. 227), they stayed some days to inform themselves of the state of the 
enemy, and then took the road to the mountain Arjatu, and advanced as 

* It is Impossible to venture on any identification of most of the places, mountains, 
Ac, mentioned in the above itineraries of Timur's expedition into Moghulistan, for 
the tracts to which they refer are still very imperfectly known. We can, however, 
ascertain the position of Yulduz, which latter name appears also in the itinerary of 
Shah Ilok's embassy to China in 1420 (Yule's " Catbay," cc). We knew for a long 
time from Chinese maps that there is a mountain Yulduz or Djulduz north-west of 
Kharashar, and a river of the same name. Przewalsky was the first European who 
▼iaited this part of the T'ien shan in 1877. lie states that Yulduz is the name of an 
elevated plateau, covered with luxuriant herbage and abounding in water. It is 
celebrated throughout Central Asia for its beauty, its springs, meadows, and fine 
breeies. It Is the promised land of cattle. See Przewalsky's " Travels from Kuldja 
to Lobnor," p. 42, 21. According to Przewalsky, the Yulduz consists of two parts ; the 
western part is called the Grtat Yulduz, the eastern the Little Yulduz. 


In the reign of Hung wu (1368-99), when the Chinese 
general Zan YiX, on his expedition to the Sha mo (Mongo- 

far as Almalegh, where, having swam over the river Ah Eile (Hi), they 
advanced to Karatal, a horde of Ankatura (a prince of the Jetes), where 
they learnt that their avant-guard of 400 horse had fallen in with 
Kamar-eddin in a hunting country and had been defeated. The Amir 
then sent several of their captains to the field of battle, where thej 
received intelligence that Kamar-eddin had marched towards the field ot 
Ichna Buchna. The Amirs immediately departed in search of the enemy, 
and having passed by Ichna Buchna, they arrived at Uker Kcptadji, where 
they left their baggage and departed thence towards the Irtish. When 
they had reached the banks of this river, they learnt that Kamar-eddin had 
crossed it and was gone towards Taulas in the woods, where sables and 
ermines are said to be found. They saw the rafts and boats the enemy 
had built to cross the water. The Amirs stayed some days at this place, 
and then crossed the river and burnt with their arms, made red-hot, 
characters on the pine trees there, that succeeding ages might see the 
marks of the arrival of Timur's army beyond the Irtish. But as six 
months had passed since they came into these wildernesses, where they 
wanted provisions, and most of them were living on what they got by 
hunting and on wild roots, and as the air became extremely cold, they 
resolved to return, which they did by Altun Kaurhe, where there is a road 
made on the banks of the great lake called Etrak gheul ; and making 
great haste, they happily arrived at Samarkand (Zafer nameh, iii. 9). 

This is the last time that Kamar-eddin is made mention of in the 
Zafer nameh. According to Erskine's sources, he perished, worn out with 
fatigue and disease, in a wild corner of the desert, where he had concealed 
himself, accompanied by only two attendants, in about 1393. 

As to Khizer Khodja Khan, he finally made peace with Timur, and this 
pacification he consolidated by giving to the conqueror his daughter Tukel 
Khanum in marriage. This happened, according to the Zafer nameh (iii. 
69. 70), in 1397. The same work reports (v. 4) that in 1399, when Timur 
was in Karabagh (between the rivers Kur and Araxes), he received the 
news that Khizer Khodja, king of the Jetes, had paid the tribute to the 
Angel Israel, and that after his death dissensions arose among his four 
sons, Shama Jehan, Mohammed, Shir Alt, and Shah Jehan. 

The same day they also heard that Mirza Eskender, son of M. Omar 
Sheikh, had availed himself of this favourable opportunity. Eskender, then 
only fifteen years old, and entrusted by his grandfather with the govern- 
ment of Andedjan (Ferghana), had got together the troops of this province, 
and, accompanied by the Amirs, had boldly entered the lands of the 
Moghuls. They advanced to Kashgar, and pillaged and ravaged the town 
of Yarkand. Then they marched to Sarek Kamish,* Kelapin,-]: Aligheul, 
Yar kurgan, Chartak, and Kciuk Bagh, which places they likewise pillaged. 

• This is now-a-da78 tha name of a lake or marsh south-east of Kucha, 
t A mountain of this name is marked on modern maps south-west of Aksu, on the 
rood to MaralbasbL 


lian desert), had reached the Fu yu rh hai}^'^'^ it happened 
that several hundred merchants from Sa-ma-rh-han fell 

They at length arrived in the province of Audje in Moghulistan. All the 
people submitted. They then laid siege to the citadel of Aksu. It 
consists of three castles, which have a communication with one another, 
and is considered so strong that the inhabitants of all the neighbouring 
provinces consider it as a safe asylum in time of war. The Mirza soon 
encamped with his Amirs without the place, and being prepared to attack 
it vigorously with instruments for sapping the walls, scaling-ladders, 
battering-rams, and other machines, he caused several assaults to be 
made for nearly forty days, when the besieged were obliged to STirrender. 
Several very rich Chinese went out of the place and offered presents. 
After this the Mirza sent men to make inroads at Bai and Kusan, the 
former of which is a cool place, fit for the summer, and the latter a warm 
place, fit for the winter. These places were pillaged, and some princesses 
of the Jetes found there were made prisoners.* 

Hence they went to plunder the city of Tarem. (On the Chinese map 
a place Tarim is marked on the Tarim river, which, as is known, flows 
into the Lopnor. ) 

After these conquests the Mirza departed from Aksu for Kliotan. This 
city is distant 157 days' journey from Kambalek, capital of Northern China, 
called Katai, which is a flourishing and populous country, with abundance 
of water. We count from Kotan to Karakhodja thirty-five days' journey, 
from there to TetJcaul, frontier of China, forty-one,t where there is a wall 
aituated between two mountains, in which wall is a great gate, and several 
yam khane or inns to lodge passengers ; and soldiers are always at this place 
to guard the frontier and the entrance of the wall. From here to Ghen 
djan fu, a city of China, is fiftj'-one days' journey ; from that place to 
Kambalek forty. It is also forty from Ghendjan fu to Nemnai. The author 
of the Zafernameh adds that he has been assured that there is another 
road to go from Khotan to the frontier of China in forty days, but there is 
not one dwelling-place in it ; the sands make it very tiresome, and although 
the water which is drawn out of the wells in the desert is easily come at, 
yet in several places it is poison, and kills the animals which drink of it ; 
and what is very surprising, out of two wells at a small distance from each 
other, the water of one is poisonous and the other perfectly good.t 

From Khotan to Kashgar is fifteen days' journey, and from Kashgar to 

* The cities of Aksu and Bai still exist in Eastern Turkestan, on the great highway 
leading along the southern slope of the T'ien shan from Kharashar to Kashgar. 
Kusan is probably Kucha (v. p. 230). The Si yll wen kien lu also notices Bai as a 
cool place. According to Kuropatkin, who in 1876 and 1877 visited these places, the 
elevation of Bai is 3700 feet, that of Kucha 2900. 

t Karaul in the narrative of Shah Rok's embassy ; Kie yll kuan. Tutkaul means 
a pass in the Turkl language. See Pavet de Courteille's Mem. of Baber, pref. xii. 

t The author speaks evidently of the direct road from Khotan vid Lopnor and Sha 
chou to Kla yU kuan. The embassy of Shah Rok on their return journey from 
China in 1421, having arrived at the frontier fortress (Kia ytl kuan), was obliged, 
owing to the troubles in Mongolia, to take the unfrequented southern route through 
the desert to Khotan and Kashgar, instead of the frequented northern route vi6 
BAmi, Turfan, im. (See Yule's "Cathay," ccxi.). Przewaleky, who two years ago 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



into his hands. The emperor ordered these merchants to 
be sent home to their country. A Chinese envoy accom- 

Samarl-and twenty-five. In Khotan are two rivers, Orak hash and Kara 
Tca^h, the stones of which being jasper, are carried to other countries. 
These two rivers have their sources in the mountain of KarangutaTc* 

The IMirza thus reduced all the places and castles of the frontier pro- 
vince (of Moghulistan) to Tiinur's obedience. He at length departed from 
Khotan and came to KaranqutaTc, a very steep and rugged mountain,+ to 
which the inhabitants of Khotan and the neighbouring places fly for 
refuge in time of war. The Mirza did not judge it convenient to hazard 
his troops there, but returned and .spent the winter at Kasligar, and in 
spring went back to Andedjan. 

After Khizer Khodja's death in 1399, he was succeeded by his son Mo- 
hammed Khan. His name, and that of his brother, Shama jehan, appear 
several times in the Zafer nameh and Abder razzak's Life of Shah Rok. 
In 1397 Shama jehan was at Timur's court. In 141 1 Mohammed Khan 
is recorded to have sent his brother Shama jehan to invade Maverannahr. 
As we shall see farther on, the Chinese annals assert that Shama jehan 
had been the immediate successor of Khizer Khodja, and was succeeded 
by his younger brother Mohammed. 

Shir Mohammed, son of Mohammed, succeeded his father according to 
the Tarikhi Rashidi, but Abder razzak records, s. a. 14 15, that after the 
death of Mohammed, Khan of Moghulistan, Nakshi jehan, son of Shama 
jehan, succeeded him. This is in accordance with the Chinese annals. In 
the next year Nakshi jehan sent an embassy to Shah Rok. According to 
Mirkhond (and probably also to Abder razzak), in 1425 Shir Mohammad 
was Khan of Moghulistan. In this year Mirza Olug Beg of Samarkand 
undertook a great expedition into the country of the Jetes, and defeated 
Shir Mohammed. 

Weis Khan, a nephew of Shir Mohammed, having collected in the desert 
a band of adventurers, carried on a predatory war with his uncle, after 
whose death he was elected Grand Khan. He was not reconciled to Amir 
Khodaidad {v. supra), who adhered to his uncle, and called in Ulug Beg 
from Samarkand. Weis Khari was a prince of great energy. He was 
throughout his reign engaged in constant war with the Kalmaks, his 
eastern neighbours. The Tarikhi Rashidi says that he fought sixty-one 
actions against the Kalmak chief Eshan Tayshi, and only gained a single 

proceeded by this road from Khotan to Lopnor, informed me that it presents no 
difficulties at alL It passes along the northern slope of the mountains, through a 
well-populated and cultivated count) y. The difficulties to which Sherifeddin alludes 
are evidently met in the desert between Lopnor and Sha chou, not yet visited by 
European travellers. 

• Compare about these rivers Rdrausafs " Hist, de la Ville de Khotan," 1820, and 
infra note 1044. 

t See note 1043. 

t This is evidently an erroneous statement, for Etttn Taishi, the chief of the Wa-la 
or Oirats, was not contemporary to Weis Khan. Bee p. 165. 


panied them. When on his way back, this envoy passed 
through Bie-shi-ba-li, the king of this empire, by name 

Weis Khan had his seat in the vicinity of Turf an, where he excavated 
several karez, or subterranean aqueducts, for the irrigation of the fields. 
He was very fond of hunting the wild camel, and annually made an excur- 
sion to Lob and Katak in pursuit of the game for the sake of their wool, 
which his mother used to weave into cloth for his vestments, and he wore 
no other but these.* 

In the course of the wars arising out of Ulug Beg's invasion, Weis Khan 
was accidentally slain by an arrow discharged by one of his own men in 

In the narrative of Shah Rok's embassy to China, Awis (Weis) Khan is 
noticed, 1420, at war with Shir Mohammed, and farther on the diarist 
speaks of an envoy of Awis Khan who had been robbed. They saw him 
subsequently in Peking. 

Weis Khan left two sons, Isan Buha (XL) and Yunus, each of whom 
claimed the succession. The latter sought the support of Mirza Ulug Beg 
of Samarkand. But Ulug Beg refused this, took Yunus prisoner, and 
sent him to Herat to his father Shah Rok, who placed Yunus under the care 
of Sherifeddin, the author of the Zafer nameh, at Yezd, where he remained 
for twelve years. After Sherifeddin's death he was conveyed to Tabriz, 
and finally to Shiraz. During this time Isan Buka reigned in Moghulis- 
tan. When Mirza Abu Said, of the house of Timur, 1451-68, had estab- 
lished himself at Samarkand, Isan Buka invaded Ferghana. Abu Said, in 
retaliation, sent for the exiled Yunus, conferred on him the Khanate of 
Moghulistan, and despatched with him an army into that country. 

Isan Buka, who was then at Yulduz, the farthest eastern extremity of 
his dominions, on hearing of this attempt, collected his forces, and set out 
to the relief of Kashgar, which Yunus besieged. A desperate battle was 
fought, about twelve miles from Kashgar, near Aksu. Yunus was com- 
pletely defeated, and arrived at Herat, where Abu Said then was, in the 
greatest distress. Abu Said bestowed on him the territory of Masikhi^ 
a small hill country dependent on Andedjan and bordering on Tashkend, 
and sent him to renew the contest. This happened in 1 456. Isan Buka 
died in 1462, and was succeeded by his son, Dost Mohammed^ who reigned 
only four years. 

Tunus Khan, who, after the death of his brother, Isan Buka, had been 
joined by many of the tribes, became all powerful when Dost Mohammed 
died in 1468, and succeeded in establishing his authority in Moghulistan. 
Dost's son, Kepek, then a boy, was carried off by the immediate followers 
of the family, and they fled with him to Turfan, at the eastern extremity 
of the country, where, some time after, he was murdered. Yunus Khan, 

• Prom Bellew's translation of this passage (p. 156) it would seem that it refers to 
Ethan Tayshi. But as the statement is not perfectly clear, I did not hesitate to refer 
it to Weis Khan. We have seen (p. 194) that according to the Chinese aunala Wois 
Khan took poMeisiou of Turfan iu 1422. 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



Hei-di-rh huo-dja^^^^ despatched an embassy to the 
Chinese court. At the head of this embassy was Ea- 

after his long sojourn in Persia, had become fond of cities and cultivated 
countries, and it was not his wish to take up his residence at Aksu. But 
the tribes disliked settled habitations, preferring to dwell under tents, and 
compelled him to return to the wilds of Moghulistan. After the disas- 
trous expedition of Abu Said to Karabagh on the Araxes, where he perished 
in 1469, Yunus Khan, in fulfilment of an engagement with Abu Said, 
bestowed three of his daughters on Abu Said's sons. Thus he became the 
maternal grandfather of the famous Sultan Baber. 

Not very long after, in the course of 1472-73, a Kalmak chief, expelled 
from his own country through intestine feuds, entered Moghulistan on the 
east with a numerous army. Yunus, on attempting to resist them, was 
completely defeated on the banks of the Hi river, and fled with the remains 
of his army westward. He passed the winter at Kara Tokai, on the Sihun, 
and moved in the spring to Tashkend. Here he was made prisoner by the 
governor of this place, who was nominally under the Sultan of Samarkand. 
It appears that his Amirs, discontented with him, had entered into a con- 
spiracy with the governor. It was only about a year after that Yunus 
was released from his prison by one of his Amirs, and returned to Moghuli- 
stan. The Kalmaks had by this time returned to their own country. 
Yunus then remained for several years in the deserts of Moghulistan, 
never even hinting at a wish to visit any town. In 1479-80, Yunus 
assisted Mohammed Haider Mirza Doghlat, Amir of Kashgar, against his 
nephew Abu Bekr ; but this campaign was not successful, for Abu Bekr 
was finally left in possession of Kashgar. Much of the latter part of 
Yunus Khan's life was occupied by his transactions with his sons-in-law 
the Sultans of Samarkand and Ferghana. He was particularly attached 
to Sultan Omar Sheikh of Ferghana, the father of Baber, whom he fre- 
quently visited. His sons-in-law gave up to him Tashkend and Sairam. 
But when the Khan manifested his intention to remain there, a number of 
the Moghul tribes separated from his camp, and went home, putting at 
their head his younger son. Sultan Ahmed Khan, so that the empire was 
again severed in Yunus' lifetime. Tashkend and Sairam continued for 
some time to be the usual residence of one branch of the Moghul Khans. 
Yunus Khan died in 1496. 

Sultan Mahmud Khan, the elder son of Yunus, generally called " the 
Elder Khan," succeeded^ to his father as Grand Khan, and reigned over 
the tribes which had entered Tashkend and Sairam, or that dwelt in the 
neighbouring steppes. But his younger son. Sultan Ahmed, or " the 
Younger Khan," continued to govern the tribes that ranged in the more 
distant parts of Moghulistan, Aksu, Turfan, &c. 

Mahmud Khan was successful in a war against the Sultans of Ferghana 
and Samarkand. In 1497 he took possession of Turkestan, lower down 
the Sihun, and the government of this district he bestowed upon Sheibani 
Khan, the Uzbek, as a reward for some important services. But Sheibani 


ma-li-ding}^^^ a commander of a thousand. He arrived 
in the seventh month (August) of 1391, and offered as 
tribute horses and gerfalcons. The emperor received him 
kindly, and bestowed presents of silk stuffs and cloths upon 

was no sooner established in his government than the scattered Uzbeks 
began to assemble from all quarters under his banners. His power daily 

Sultan Ahmed, the younger Khan, who ruled in Eastern Moghulistan, 
was a man of great energy and capacity. He made successful inroads on 
the infidel Kalmaks, whom he defeated in two bloody battles, which earned 
for him the name of " Ilachi Khan," or slaughtering Khan. When his 
elder brother Mahmud was defeated by the Kaizak- Uzbeks, Ahmed marched 
to his assistance, invaded their territory, and plundered their country. 
The rapid success of Sheibani, who in 1 500 had made himself master of 
Samarkand, caused the brothers to act in concert against this common 
enemy. Thus the younger Khan came to Tashkend with about 1 500 men. 
But in 1503 Sheibani defeated the brothers completely, and they fell into 
his hands. Subsequently he set them at liberty, and they retired into the 
desert. The younger Khan died of grief a year after, while Mahmud 
Khan, who had returned to seek the protection of Sheibani, was put to 
death by order of the Uzbeg in 1508. 

When Sultan Ahmed had set out from AJcsu to assist his brother on the 
Sihun, he caused his eldest son Mansur to be installed as the Khan of the 
Moghuls ; and now, on his father's death, he continued to exercise his 
authority at Aksu, and in the whole territory to the east as far as Chalis 
{v. p. 200) and Turfan. He died in 1544, and was succeeded by his son 
Sha Khan. Sultan Ahmed, as well as Mansur and Shah Khan, are men- 
tioned in the Chinese annals as rulers of Turfan (see p. 196-198). It seems 
that this line of the Chagatai Khans survived no longer as such. A son 
<jf Ahmed, however, succeeded in founding a dynasty in Kashgar, which 
maintained itself there for more than a century and a half (see note 1037). 

;• 1**^* See above, p. 186, and note 954. 

^°^' Yen-Tci and Kuitsz\ two ancient kingdoms in Central Asia, first 
mentioned in the History of the Han before our era. Modern Chinese 
geographers generally identify them with present Kharashar and Kucha. 

lois With respect to Bishhalik in the days of the Mongols, which name 
then was applied to the country of the Uigurs, see p. 27. 

"^7 About this lake, the Taal nor in South-Eastern Mongolia, compare 
notes 114 and 906. The expedition here alluded to is that against the 
Mongols in 1388. The latter were defeated by the Chinese near lake 
Pu yu rh Juii. See p. 163. 

loiB Khizer Khodja Khan of Moghulistan. See p. 228. 

1019 This name is probably intended for Kamar-eddin, but evidently it 
does not refer to the great captain of the Jetes who bore the same name. 
See p. 226. 

[5 & l6 CENT.] 



the king and his envoy. In the ninth month of the same 
^ear the emperor entrusted the secretary K^uan CJie, the 
jnsor Han King, and the councillor Tang Cheng with a 
lission to the countries in the west. They bore also an im- 
perial letter for Hei-di-rh-huo-djo of the following tenor : — 
"Although there are many kingdoms in the world, 
jeparated by mountains and seas, and differing one from 
another in their rules and customs, nevertheless, it seems 
^to me, good and bad feelings, passions and human nature 
[literally ' blood and breath ') are the same everywhere, 
[eaven assists mankind, and looks benevolently on every- 
)ody. It is the same with respect to the ruler on whom 
[eaven bestowed supreme power. Observing the heavenly 
des, he is kindly disposed towards mankind, and shows 
lercy on everybody. Thus all the various kingdoms of the 
^orld are entitled to the merciful regards (of the emperor) 
md prosperity. When the inferior kingdoms will honour 
the great ones, Heaven will be propitious to them. In 
imes past, when the rulers of the Simg dynasty had 
)ecome careless, and the wicked officers infringed the 
[laws. Heaven abandoned this dynasty and bestowed the 
)ower upon the Yilan (Mongols). Shi tsu (Kubilai Khan, 
[the first Mongol emperor in China) arrived from the Mon- 
'golian desert to take possession of China and rule there. 
The people then became easy again, and enjoyed peace for 
more than seventy years, when the successors of Shi tsu 
began to neglect the ruling of their people, and appointed 
unworthy officers who disregarded the laws. The strong 
oppressed the weak. The indignation of the people cried 
to Heaven. The heavenly order then was bestowed upon 
me. I am holding now the sceptre of power, and am ruling 
over the black-haired people (the Chinese). I pursue with 
my troops the disobedient. I treat kindly those who sub- 
mit. In the space of thirty years I succeeded in tran- 
quillising all provinces of the Middle Empire. The foreign 
kingdoms also pay their respects, and acknowledge my 
supremacy. Only the Yuan (Mongols) disturbed the 


Chinese frontier when my troops advanced to the lake 
Fu-yil-rh-hai (see note 1017), and caused a Mongol prince 
with his host to surrender. At the same time several 
hundreds of people from Sa-ma-rh-han, who had arrived 
for the purpose of trade, were made prisoners, and I 
despatched one of my officers to carry them back to their 
country. Since that time three years have elapsed. After 
my envoys returned, you sent an embassy to me to offer 
tribute. I am much obliged to you, and wish that you 
may continue to be on good terms with us, and entertain 
frequent intercourse with China. I send you my envoys 
to greet you and laud your zeal." 

The emperor's envoys arrived at Bie-shi-ba-li, and trans- 
mitted the letter to the king ; but when it was discovered 
that they had no presents for him, the gracious letter of 
the emperor made no impression upon the sovereign of 
Bie-shi-ba-li. He retained K'uan OEe, whilst the other 
Chinese envoys were allowed to return home. 

In the first month of 1 397, the emperor despatched once 
more an officer to the kins: of Bie-shi-ba-li with the fol- 
lowing letter : — 

" Since the time I ascended the throne, my officers at 
the frontier have never thrown obstacles in the way of the 
foreign merchants who came to traffic with China, and I 
had also given orders that the foreigners might be kindly 
treated by my people. Thus the foreign merchants realise 
great benefits, and there is no trouble at the frontier. Our 
flowery land (China) is a great power, and we show kind- 
ness to your country. Why then has the envoy I sent to 
you some years ago in order to establish friendly terms 
been retained ? Why do you act so ? Last year I ordered 
all the Mohammedan merchants from Bie-shi-ba-li who had 
come to China to be retained until my envoy K'uan Ch*e 
should be released. However, I allowed them to carry on 
trade in our country. Subsequently, when they com- 
plained of their having left their families at home, I com- 
miserated them, and let them return home. Now I send 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



again an envoy to you that you may know my benevolence. 
Do not shut up the way to our frontier, and do not give 
rise to war. The Shu king says : In a case of dissatisfaction, 
we may lay aside the question whether it has been caused 
by an inferior or a superior. The principal things to be 
taken into consideration are whether the laws of justice 
have been observed or not, and whether a laudable zeal has 
been shown or not. Now I ask you, have you been just 
and have you shown laudable zeal ? " 

When the king had received this letter he released K'uan 

After Yung lo acceded to the throne he sent an envoy 
with a letter and presents to the king of Bie-shi-ba-li. But 
at that time Hei-di-rh-ho-djo had died,^^20 ^nd had been 
succeeded by his son Sha-mi-cKa-gan}^^ The latter sent 
in the next year an embassy to the emperor, offering as 
tribute a block of rude jade and fine horses. The envoy 
was well treated and rewarded. At that time it had hap- 
pened that An-Tco THe-mu-rh, prince of Hami, had been 
poisoned by Gui-li-ch^i, Khan of the Mongols (v. p. 163), 
and Sha-mi-ch'a-gan made war on the latter. The emperor 
was thankful, and sent an envoy with presents to him, 
exhorting the king to be on good terms with T'^o-fo, the 
prince of Hami. In 1406 Sha-mi-ch*a-gan sent tribute, 
and the emperor accordingly despatched Liu THe-mu-rh, 
a high officer, with presents to Bie-shi-ba-li. In the 
year 1407 Sha-mi-clia-gan presented three times tribute. 
His envoys had been ordered to solicit the assistance 
of Chinese troops for reconquering Sa-ma-rh-han, which 
country, as they stated, had formerly belonged to Bie- 
shi-ba-li.i*^ The emperor sent his eunuchs. Fa T*ai 
and Li Ta, together with Liu T*ie-mu-rh, to Bie-shi- 
ba-li to inquire cautiously into the matter. The envoys 

^""^ According to the Zafer nameh, Khizer Ehodja died in 1399. See 
p. 231. 

^"^^ Skama jchan of the Mohammedan authors. See p. 23 1 . 

'<>" Samarkand with Maverannahr indeed originally belonged to the 
undivided Chagatai empire. See p. 226. 


presented silk stuffs to the king, and were well received. 
They returned home in the next year, and brought the 
intelligence that Sha-rai-clia-gan was deceased, and his 
younger brother, Ma-ha-ma^^^^ had succeeded him. The 
emperor then sent the same envoys once more to Bie-shi- 
ba-li to offer a sacrifice in memory of the late king and 
bestow presents on Ma-ha-ma. When, in 14 lO, imperial 
envoys on their way to Sa-ma-rh-han passed through Bie- 
shi-ba-li, they were well treated by Ma-ha-ma, who in the 
next year despatched an embassy to the Chinese court, 
offering fine horses and o. wen pao (leopard). When this 
embassy returned, they were accompanied by An (v. p. 144), 
who carried gold-embroidered silk stuffs for the king. At 
that time an envoy of the Wa-la (Oirats) complained that 
Ma-ha-ma was arming for making war on the Wa-la. The 
emperor sent to warn him. In 141 3 Ma-ha-ma sent one of 
his generals with tribute to China. He reached Kan su. 
Orders had been given to the civil and military authorities 
to receive him honourably. 

In the next year (1414) people returning from the Si 
yil brought the intelligence that Ma-ha-ma's brother and 
mother had both died in a short interval. The emperor 
sent again An to Bie-shi-ba-li with a letter of condolence. 
When Ma-ha-ma died he left no son. His nephew, Na- 
hei-shi-dji-han}^-^ succeeded him, and in the spring of 
141 6 despatched an envoy to inform the emperor of his 
uncle's death. The emperor sent the eunuch Li Ta to 
offer a sacrifice in memory of the late king and confer the 
title of wang (king) on his successor. In 141 7 Na-hei-shi- 
dji-han sent an embassy to inform the emperor that he was 
about to marry a princess from Sa-ma-rh-han}^^^ and soli- 
cited in exchange for horses a bride's trousseau. Then 500 
pieces of variegated and 500 of plain white silk stuff were 
bestowed on the king of Bie-shi-ba-li as wedding presents. 

1023 Mohammed Klian of the Mobammedan authors. See p. 233. 
W2* Nakshi jehan of the Mohammedan authors. See p. 233. 
1026 The Mohammedan authors do not record this marriage. 



15 & 16 CENT.] MOGHULISTAN. 241 

In 14 1 8 an envoy, by name Sic-k^o, arrived from Bie-shi- 
ba-li, reporting that his sovereign (Na-hei-shi-dji-han) had 
been slain by his cousin, TVai-sz,'^^^^ who then had declared 
himself king. At the same time Wai-sz' with his people 
had transferred their abode to the west, changing: the 
former name of the empire (Bie-shi-ba-li) into I-li-ha-li}^^'^ 
The emperor said that it was not his custom to meddle 
with the internal affairs of foreign countries. He be- 
stowed upon Su-k*o the rank of tu tu tsien shi, and at the 
same time sent the eunuch Yang Chung with a mission to 
Wai-sz', conferring on the king as presents an arrow, a 
sword, a suit of armour, and silk stuffs. The chieftain 
Hu-dai-da'^^^^ and more than seventy other people of 
I-li-ba-li all received presents. Subsequently Wai-sz' sent 
frequently tribute to the Chinese court,^^^^ as did also his 
mother, So-lu-t^an Ha tun (Sultan Khatun). 

In 1428 Wai-sz' died, and was succeeded by his son, 
Ye-sien hu-hvu}^^^ who also sent repeatedly tribute to 
China. Tribute was also offered by Bu-sai-in, the son-in- 
law of the late king. 

Ye-sien bu-hua died in 1445, and was succeeded by Ye- 
mi-li hU'djo}^^^ The latter sent camels as tribute, and also 
a block of rude jade weighing 3800 kin, but not of the best 
quality. The Chinese government returned for every two 
kin of jade one piece of white silk. In 1457 ^ Chinese 
envoy was sent to I-li-ba-li with presents for the king, 

low Thig ig doubtless the Wets or Awis Khan of the Mohammedan chro- 
niclers. See p. 233. 

1027 This name refers probably to the Hi river. About the place JUbalik 
in the Mongol period, compare p. 44. 

10:8 This seems to be the Amir Khodaidad of Kashgar, a man of great 
influence in Moghulistan. See p. 245. The embassy of Shah Rok to China 
in 1420 met the Amir Khodaidad, who then enjoyed great authority in the 
country in Moghulistan. 

^^'^i* The embassy of Shah Rok saw an envoy of Awis Khan, by name 
Batu Timur Anka, in Peking in 142 1. 

^"^ Jaan Buka II. of the Mohammedan authors. See p. 234. 

1031 jjj^^i j^fiodja. This Khan is not mentioned by the Mohammedan 



ind in 1456 again. It was then settled that I-li-ba-li was 
to send tribute every three or five years, and the number 
of the people in the suite of the envoy should not surpass 
ten men. Subsequently embassies from that country were 
seldom seen at the Chinese court. 

In the " M^m. cone, les Chinois," vol. xiv. 278, Father 
Amiot has translated a letter addressed to a Chinese 
emperor of the Ming by She-le-ma mou-che, a governor- 
general in I-li-ba-li, who had presented western horses. 

The article on Bie-shi-ba-li (or I-li-ba-li) in the Ming 
history concludes with some notes regarding this country 
and the customs of its inhabitants. More detailed accounts 
of the same subject, drawn for the greater part from the 
Shi Si yu hi {v. p. 147), are found in the Ming Geography, 
which I proceed to translate here : — 

The country of I-li-ba-li is surrounded by deserts. It 
extends 3000 li from east to west, 2000 from north to 
south. There are no cities or palace buildings. The 
people are nomads, living in felt tents, and changing 
their abode together with their herds in accordance with 
the existence of water and pasture-land. They are of a 
fierce-looking appearance. Their common food is flesh 
and kumis. They are dressed in the same fashion as 
the Wa4a (Oirats). CKen GJieng (the author of the 
Shi Si yil ki), however, reports that they are wont to 
dress themselves in the Mohammedan fashion, but that 
their language resembles that of the Wei-wu-rh (Uigurs). 
The king shaves his head and wears a chao-la onao^^^'^ 
on which he sets up the tail-feather of the tsz' lao}^^^ 
He sits on variegated embroidered carpets spread on the 

low fpjjQ Chinese character mao means a cap. But here the three char- 
acters eJiao-la-mao seem to render the Turkish word chcdma, meaning a 

*••• The Pen ts'ao kang mu, chap, xlvii., gives the following description of 
the bird taz* lao :— This bird lives on the great lakes of southern countries 
(India). It resembles the hao (a general name for cranes and crane-like 
birds), but in of enormous size. With its wings displayed, it measures from 
five to six feet, and when elevating the head it is from six to seven feet 
bigh. The colour of iU plumage Ls bluish-grey. It has a long neck. The 

15 & i6 CENT.] MOGHULISTAN. 243 

ground. When he gives an audience to foreign envoys, 
it is never required of them to bow their heads to the 
ground ; they have only to kneel down. 

There is in this country the Fo Shan (White mountain), 
which sends out continually smoke and fire. It contains 
much nao sha (sal ammoniac). In order to collect it, the 
people put on shoes with wooden soles, for leather soles 
would be burnt. There are caverns in this mountain, in 
which a kind of dark mud is produced. This flows out 
and then changes into sal ammoniac. The people use it 
in curing cutaneous diseases.^^^* 

The Tsung ling or Onion mountains belong also to this 

crown of the head is destitute of plumage, and of a red colour. The 
beak is dark yellowish, more than a foot long, straight, and flattened. 
Beneath the crop it has a dewlap like that of the t'i hu (pelican). The feet 
are black, and the claws resemble those of fowls. This bird is very vora- 
cious and quarrelsome, and attacks even men. It feeds on fish, snakes, 
and young birds. 

This is quite a correct description of the great Indian stork, Ciconia 
Marabu, the tail-feathers of which are highly prized in Asia as well as in 
Europe. The Mongol annals, Yiian ch'ao pi shi {vide i. 192), mention this 
bird under the name of tokuraun. At least the Chinese translation renders 
this name by ts'z' lao. In modern Mongol, togoriu means crane. Accord- 
ing to Sultan Baber (" Memoires," i. 314), the feathers used as ornaments 
in the turbans are yielded by herons, which the people of Kabul are wont 
to catch. These feathers are largely exported to Irak and Khorassan. 

1034 ^ similar account of the White mountain is already found in the 
History of the Northern Wei (fifth century), in the article on the king- 
dom of Kui-tsz' (Kucha, see note 1015). It is stated there that Kui-tsz' is 
situated 170 U south of the Po shan. A thick badly-smelling fluid flows 
out from this mountain, forming a rivulet, which, after the short course of 
several li, disappears in the ground. This fluid is used in curing the fall- 
ing off of the hair and the teeth, and is also given in dysentery. 

The Sui Si yil t'u hi, an account of Western countries during the Sui 
dynasty (sixth century), quoted in the Wen hien t'ung k'ao, states about 
the same Po shan, that it is situated 200 li north of Kui-tsz', and that fire 
and smoke constantly rise from it. It produces nao sha, or sal ammoniac. 
The mountain is also known by the name of A-ghie. This latter, accord- 
ing to Klaproth (" Volcans du Thien shan, Tabl, hist. As.," 109, 1 10) means 
(in Turkish) Fire mountain. Compare also Ritter, ii. 333. 

The Po shan (or Be shan, as the name is written on the Russian maps) 
bears still the same Chinese name. It lies, according to the maps, about 
sixty miles north of Kucha. Since Humboldt and Ritter, the 
Po shan has always been considered as an active volcano of the T'ien shan 


country. They owe their name to the abundance of (wild) 
onions there. They are very high. The natives call them 
ra-shi da-lanP^ 

It is very cold in that country. In the mountains and 
deep valleys a fall of snow is not rare even in the sixth 
month (July). 

There is a sea (lake) called Je hai (hot sea), which is 
several hundred li in circuit. In the language of the 
country it is called I-si-lc o-rh}^^ 

chain. But no European had visited it till 1881, when, at the instance of 
Professor Mushketoff, the geological explorer of Central Asia, a Russian 
expedition, headed by Kisseleflf, was sent to decide the question by direct 
observation. A short account of the results of this expedition was pub- 
lished in the "Turkestan Gazette," 6th October 1881. The Be shan or 
Be fan shan (Alum mountain) of the Chinese, the Zemshtag (same mean- 
ing) of the natives, was found sixteen versts north-east of Kucha, in a basin 
surrounded by the massive Ailak mountains ; its fires are not volcanic, but 
proceed from burning coal. On the sides of the mountain there are caves 
emitting smoke and sulphurous gas. The burning is accompanied with 
great noise. Mushketoff, in his "Turkestan," 1886, i. 172, states that 
sulphur, sal ammoniac, and alum had been collected on the mountain. He 
considers the question of the existence of volcanoes in Central Asia as 
decided in the negative (ibid. p. 131-133). 

1033 The name Tsung ling occurs first in the Chinese annals in the second 
century B.C., when the Chinese became acquainted with the countries of 
Central and Western Asia. They apply it to the high mountains which 
border the Tarim basin to the west, and which connect the T' ien shan with 
the Kun lun range. On the way from Kashgar to the Pamir, followed by 
Forsyth, there is, south-west of I'ash kurgan, a pass called Nisa Task devan, 
which latter name resembles the Tash daban in the Chinese account. 

1036 This name is evidently intended for Issikul. This great lake in 
Western Turkestan is called Issikul (hot lake) by the Kirghizes, Temurtu 
nor (ferruginous lake) by the Mongols and Kalmuks. It is also known 
by the name Tuzkul (salt lake). It is mentioned in the Chinese annals as 
early as the seventh century. See T'ang shu, chap. 258.6, article Shi 
(Tanhkend), where it is placed near the Sui-ye or Chu river, and named Je 
hai (hot sea). The Chinese chronicler adds that the lake does not freeze in 
winter. The Buddhist monk Hiian tsang, who visited the lake in about 
A.D. 630, calls it Tsing hai (limpid sea). See Beal's *' Si yu ki," i. 25. 

The name of this lake occurs only once, it seems, in the Mohammedan 
chroniclen of the Mongol period. See d'Ohsson, iv. 565. Oeuldjaitu, Khan 
of Persia, who was at war with Isan Buka, Khan of the Middle Empire, 
U tUted to have sent his troops into Turkestan, and they advanced as far 
as Tola* and luenkeul. The name Isiighcul frequently occurs in Sherif- 
•ddio*t narrative of Timur's expeditions into Mogliulistan (see note 1013), 

i5«Sc i6cENT.] K ASH GAR. 245 


This is a little realm in the Si yil. In the year 1408 Pa 
T'ai and Zi Ta (two Chinese envoys sent to Bie-shi- 
"ba-li, V. p. 239) visited also Ha-shi-ha-rh. They brought 
an imperial letter and presents (for the ruler). In 141 3, 
when Bo-a-rh'hin-fai returned home (this envoy had been 
in Samarkand, Herat, Shiraz), he visited also Ha-shi-ha-rh, 
and (the ruler of it) then sent an envoy with tribute to 
the court. In the reign of Siian te (1426-36), Ha-shi- 
ha-rh offered also tribute. In 1463 a Chinese envoy was 
sent thither, but no embassy came in return from that 

but it would rather seem that was the name of a place. A curious state- 
ment is found in Arab Shah, who reports (ii. 393) that Timur banished 
one part of the Tatars (Kara Tatars of the Zafer nameh, whom he transferred 
in 1403 from Asia Minor to Turkestan) to the fortress Dowaira, which was 
situated in the middle of the lake called Issicoul. This lake, he says, was 
at the boundary between the dominions of Timur and Moghulistan. 

Kostenko in his "Turkestan," i. 177, gives an interesting account of 
Lake Issikul, from which I may quote the following statements : — The lake 
is very deep ; no islands are now found on it, but it has many shoals. No 
traces of ancient settlements on its shores can be discovered, although there 
is a tradition among the Kirghizes that there was in ancient times a city 
which was submerged by the sudden appearance of the lake. But this 
supposition has no foundation. The water of the lake is brackish. Owing 
to the numerous hot springs in the lake, the temperature of its water is 
elevated, and it never freezes, notwithstanding the severe winters in these 
regions. The bottom of the lake contains a good deal of iron ore, which 
is thrown out by the waves, and which the Kirghizes manufacture into 

1037 The history of Kashgar in the period here spoken of is given in the 
Tarikhi Rashidi. See Erskine's translation, I. c. ; Yule's " Cathay," 545 ; 
Bellew's " History of Kashgar." Compare also Quatremere's article " Le 
Royaume de Kachgar," translated from the Heft iklim in "Not. et Extr.," 
XIV. i. 474. 

Kashgar in the Mongol period belonged to the Middle or Chagatai 
empire, but it had always been conferred on a chief officer of the Khan's 
court. Thus in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries it was in the posses- 
sion of the Doghlat family. Amir Yuladji Doghlat was hereditary ruler of 
Kashgar under Tughlak Timur, Khan of Moghulistan, whom he had raised 
to the throne in 1347. Amir Khodaidad Doghlat succeeded his father in 
the government of Kashgar, probably soon after 1 347. He was then only 
seven years old, and his uncle, Kamar-eddin, usurped the office at Kashgar 
as belonging of right to him, and at length also the throne of Moghulistan 


Yil-fien is an ancient name by which this country was 
known in China since the time of the Han dynasty, and 
down to the Sung dynasty it has always had intercourse 
with the Middle Kingdom. 

In 1406 an envoy from this country arrived at the 
Chinese court to offer tribute, and when he returned home 
the chi hui Shen-chung Mu-sa accompanied him, carrying 
presents and an imperial letter for the chief of Yti-t'ien, 
whose name was Da-lu-wa I-lu-la-gUn, who in return 

(see note 1013). After the destruction of Kamar-eddin's power by Timur 
in 1389, Khodaidad, relieved of his rival, resumed the government of 
Kashgar, Khotan, Aksu, Bai, and Kucha, and put Khizer Khodja on the 
throne of Moghulistan. But he retained the real power of the government 
of Moghulistan till Amir Khodaidad died in 1446. He was a man of great 
influence, and boasted that in his long reign he had made six Grand Khans 
of Moghulistan. We have already seen that he is mentioned in the 
Chinese annals, s. a. 1418. The embassy of Shah Rok to China, when 
they had entered Moghulistan in 1420, were mst by the venerable Amir 
Khodaidad, who, according to the diarist, was then enjoying great autho- 
rity in the country. 

Khodaidad was succeeded by his grandson, Amir Syed All, who died in 
1457, and was succeeded by his sons Mohammed Haider Mirza in Kashgar, 
and Saniz Mirza in Yarkend. Haider Mirza was expelled from Kashgar 
by his brother Saniz, but after the death of the latter in 1464, again took 
possession of Kashgar. In 1480 he was expelled by his nephew and step- 
son Abu BeTcr, son of Saniz. Abu Bekr was defeated and expelled in 
1 5 14 by Sultan Said Khan, the third son of Sultan Ahmed Khan of 
Moghulistan, who founded a new dynasty in Kashgar, which maintained 
itself there for more than a century and a half. 

1088 The history of Khotan is very obscure, and it seems to me that 
almost all we know about it is from Chinese sources. Abel R^musat in his 
" Histoire de la Ville de Khotan," 1820, has brought together all he has 
been able to gather with respect to the history of this country from the 
Chinese annals since the second century B.C. down to the present dynasty. 
See also my note on Khotan, p. 47. We know from the Tarikhi 
Rashidi that, in the days of the Ming, Khotan belonged to Moghulistan, 
or rather to Kashgar, the Amirs of which province, as we have seen, 
governed it in their own right, and acknowledged only nominally the 
supremacy of the Khan of Moghulistan. The Amirs had probably their 
governors at Khotan. Towards the end of the fourteenth century Timur's 
troop overran several times Kashgaria, and in the famous expedition of 
Tunnr's grandson, Mirza Eskender, in 1399, into Moghulistan, this young 
prince reached also Khotan. In relating this campaign, the author of the 

15 & i6 CENT.] KHOTAN. 247 

despatched an envoy, by name Ma-la-ha-sa-mu-ding, with 
a piece of rude jade for the emperor. The chi hiii Shang 
heng accompanied the Khotan envoy on his way home. 

In 1420 an embassy from Yu-t*ien arrived at the same 
time when embassies from Ha-lie (Herat) ^^^^ and Ba-da- 
hei-shan reached the Chinese court. It was accompanied 
home by Ch^en CKeng and Kuo King. In 1422 another 
embassy from Yu-t'ien presented fine jade, and in 1424 
again an embassy from that country arrived, presenting 
horses. It was well received by the emperor Jen tsung, 
who had then just mounted the throne. 

Jen tsung's predecessor, the emperor Yung lo (1403-24), 
had always been desirous that all countries, even the most 
distant, should acknowledge his supremacy, and during his 
reign envoys from the countries of the West used to arrive 
every year. Those foreigners are very fond of Chinese 
productions, especially silk, and derive benefit from ex- 
changing them with the goods they bring from their 
countries. Thus the foreign merchants were in the habit 
of coming to China under the false pretext of carrying 
tribute. They brought with them camels, horses, jade, 
and other things. When they had entered China, the 
government provided them with boats and carts to travel 
by rivers or by land, took care of their subsistence, and 
made the necessary preparations at the stations for their 
maintenance and despatch. The soldiers as well as the 

Zafer nameh gives also a short account of this province (see p. 232). 
In about 1479 Abu Bekr, nephew of Mohammed Haider Mirza of Kash- 
gar, took possession of Khotan, and finally expelled his uncle also from 

On modern Chinese maps, and in Chinese geographical works published 
in the last century, Khotan appears under the names of Ho-tien and I-li-tsi. 
Ilchi or Elclii is, indeed, as we know from the reports of modern European 
travellers, the real name of the capital of Khotan. 

During the last twenty-two years Khotan has repeatedly been visited by 
EngUsh travellers (Johnson, 1865 ; Sir Douglas Forsyth, 1870, and 1873-74, 
and others) from India. Last year General Przewalsky explored the 
regions of the Tarim baain. 

1039 Here the embassy of Shah Rok to the Chinese emperor, known to us 
from Mohammedan sources, is alluded to. 


people were fatigued in carrying the tribute (of the 
foreigners). Besides this, when these embassies returned 
home, there were always a great number of their people 
who remained behind with their goods over a tract of 
several thousands of li, and thus became a burden to the 
government. Many troubles arose from this state of 
things, and great expenses for the government as well as 
for the emperor's subjects. The officers and the people 
began to murmur. The council of ministers were of opinion 
that in the future the emperor ought to abandon this soli- 
citude with respect to the foreigners. When the prejudice 
the government was incurring by these abuses had been 
pointed out to the emperor, he became very indignant, 
and ordered the officers who had permitted these inconve- 
niences to be reprimanded. It was then decreed that in 
future no envoys should be sent to the countries in the 
West. Owing to these measures foreign embassies did not 
arrive so frequently.^^^^ 

From early times Yu-t'ien has always been a great 
kingdom. During the Sui and T'ang periods (sixth to 
tenth century) it subdued the kingdoms of Jung-lu, Han- 
mi, K^ii-le, and P*^ i-shan}^^^ and thus its power increased. 

loio This sincere confession of the Ming chroniclers, and the report laid 
before the emperor, permit us to view in its proper light these so-called 
embassies from foreign countries so frequently recorded in the Chinese 
annals, and especially in the beginning of the Ming dynasty. Emperor 
Yung lo, being anxious to see his glory spread over the *' ten thousand 
kingdoms of the world," had sent emissaries to almost all countries of Asia, 
inviting them to send embassies to his court. Of course, as these embassies 
were well received in China, they arrived frequently, all the more as they 
generally pursued purely commercial objects. Not only did they receive 
in return for the goods they had brought as tribute presents of often much 
higher value, but they were allowed also to carry on trade in China, and 
thuB realised g^eat benefits. There can be no doubt that many of these 
embaHies recorded in the Ming shi were simply mercantile caravans, not 
alwayi despatched by the rulers of the respective countries. This can be 
concluded also from some of the supplications translated by Amiot (see p. 
149). The author of the Khitai nameh states that all the Mohammedans 
who go to China, in order to be admitted present themselves as envoys. 

*•♦* All these kingdoms are spoken of for the first time in the Tsien 
Han iba, chap, xcvi., before our era. 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



Towards the end of the Yiian dynasty Yii-t'ien began to 
lose its splendour. It was attacked by the adjacent 
countries. The people fled to hide in the mountains (comp. 
p. 233). But after emperor Yung lo had re-established 
order, the countries of the Si yii began again to send 
tribute, Yu-t*ien recovered its former wealth, and the 
merchants passed again through this country. 

Yti-t'ien borders to the east upon the military district of 
K^il-sien (see p. 210), to the north upon I-li-ha-li (Moghuli- 
stan). It is distant from Su chou, on the north-east, 6300 
/^ 1042 According to ancient accounts (History of the 
Northern Wei, fifth century), Yu-t*ien lies 200 li north 
of the Tsung ling mountains. The Ming Geography 
notices more correctly that these mountains (see note 
1035) lie to the south-east of Yu-t*ien. 

East of the city of Yu-t*ien is the Po yii ho (river of 
white jade), west of it the Lit yil ho (river of green jade). 
There is a third river, the Hei yil ho (river of black jade), 
also west of the city. The sources of these three rivers 
are in the Khm-lun mountains.^^"*^ The people who gather 
jade discover the fine pieces at moonlight in the river, and 
then dive to take them out.^^** The people of the adjacent 
countries are in the habit of stealing the jade of these 
three rivers, and then presenting it as tribute. 

1042 rpj^jg figure is evidently too high. The distance between Khotan 
and Su chou, as the crow flies, is about 3000 li only. I may, however, 
observe that the caravans from Khotan to China did not go by the direct 
way, but preferred the much longer way by Kashgar, Aksu, Turfan, Hami 
(see above, p, 232). 

^'^^ Regarding the K'un-lun of the Chinese (see note 980). The western 
part of it on our maps bears the name of Karakorum mountains, south and 
south-east of Khotan. The Zafer nameh terms these mountains Karan- 
gutak (see p. 233). I may observe that on modern maps of these regions I 
find a place of this name marked more than fifty English miles south of 
the city of Khotan, on the river Yurung kash or Karang kash, which flows 
to Khotan. It is also the name of a mountain district there. 

1044 ipj^g Zafer nameh mentions two rivers near Khotan which yield jade, 
viz., the Orak Kash and the Kara Kash {v. supra, p. 233). Captain 
Trotter, who accompanied Forsyth, in his " Account of the Mission to 
Yarkand and Kashgar," 1873-74, p. 154, notices both rivers under the 
names of Yurung Kash (white jade), and Kara Kash (black jade), and 


Yii-t^ien^produces, besides jade, mulberry trees, hemp, 
wheat, rice like that of China, grapes, asafcetida, fine 
horses, &c. 

This country has always regularly sent tribute to the 
Chinese court down to the reign of Wan li (i 573-1620), 
and even in this reign embassies from Yii-t*ien arrived. 


Sai-lan lies east of Ta-shi-gan (Tashkend). It is distant 
from Sa-ma-rh-han in the west more than 1000 li.^^^^ The 
city is two or three li in circuit, and is situated in the middle 
of a vast well-populated and fertile plain, where the five 
kinds of corn, and many fruits and trees are cultivated. In 
summer time and in autumn there is found in the grass a 
little black spider, the sting of which is poisonous.^^^ The 

states that these names are also applied to two districts of Khotan. Jade is 
obtained near the bed of the Yurung Kash. There are two principal mines, 
one at a distance of fifteen miles, the other at twenty-five miles from Ilchi. 
Jade is also procured from the bed of the river. 

The above Chinese denominations of the three jade rivers of Khotan 
occur first in the Chinese annals in the tenth century (History of the 

1045 With respect to Sairam in the days of the Mongols, I beg to refer 
to Part III. p. 94. A town of this name still exists in Russian Turke- 
stan, about six and a half English miles east of Chimkend. Sairam is situ- 
ated north-east, not east, as the Chinese account says, of Tashkend and 
Samarkand. Sairam as well as Tashkend both lie on the great highway 
from China to Samarkand. See vol. i., *' Chinese Mediaeval Travellers," pp. 
74, 130. The embassy of Shah Rok to the Chinese emperor went by 
Samarkand, Tashkend, Sairam. It seems that the Chinese travellers of the 
Ming period, to whom we are indebted for this information on western 
countries, believed that their way lay straight from east to west. Sairam 
is frequently mentioned by the Mohammedan historians of the fifteenth 
century in connection with the warlike expeditions of Timur and his suc- 
cessors against Moghulistan and Kipchak. See Zafer nameh, i. 21, ii. 8, 
14, 20, 62, vi. 26. Chenikend is noticed there as a village near Sairam 
(L 21). Abder-razzak, «. a. 1410 : the fortress of Sairam besieged by the 
Moghuls. According to Arab Shah (ii. p. 147), Sirani (Sairam) was situ- 
ated beyond the river of Khodjend (Syr Daria), about eleven days' journey 
from Samarkand and four from Janci Betas (correct reading Yanghi Tolas, 
Me note 1050). 

*•*• The spider here spoken of is the Latrodectus lugubris, dreaded by the 
natives of Turkestan. The Kirghizes call it kara hurt. See also note 321. 


sting causes insupportable pain. The people cure the 
poisonous effect by rubbing the poisoned part with the po 
ho plant.^^^'' Sometimes they use also sheep's liver in the 
same way, and recite prayers during a whole day and 
night. Then the pain ceases whilst the skin sloughs. 
Domestic animals frequently die of the sting of this insect. 
To avoid it, it is advisable to select always a halting- place 
near the water. 

When Tai tsu of the Yiian dynasty (Chinghiz Khan) 
invaded the countries of the west, one of his generals, by 
name of Sie-f a-la-hai, attacked Sai-lan, and employed 
catapults to take it.^^^^ 


Ta-shi-gan lies 700 li east (should be north-east) of Sa- 
ma-rh-han. The city is situated in a plain, and is two li 
in circumference. Around it the country is rich in gardens 
and fruits. The population is numerous. Li Ta, CUen 
CUeng, and Li Kui (Chinese envoys, see pp. 147, 148), 
visited this country .^^"^^ 


The city of Yang-i is situated among hills (mountains) 
scattered about at a distance of 360 li east of Sai-lan 

1047 rpj^jg name is applied in China to several species of Mentha, Chinese 

1"^ See p. 95. 

1049 That is all the Ming shi says about Tashkend, which, in the days of 
the Ming, was already the capital of Turkestan. It originally belonged to 
Moghulistan since the partition of the Chagatai or Middle Empire (see p. 
226), but during the latter part of Timur's reign it formed a part of his 
vast empire, and after the death of the conqueror, continued, it seems, 
to be subject to his successors in Samarkand. Towards the end of the 
fifteenth century Tashkend and Sairam were given up to Yunus Khan of 
Moghulistan, and after the death of this prince in 1 496, his eldest son, 
Mahmud, reigned over the province of Tashkend and Sairam. In 1503 
Sheibani, the Uzbeg chief, took possession of these tracts. See p. 236. Tash- 
kend is frequently mentioned in the Zafer nameh, and Sherif-eddin notices 
that it was formerly called at Shash. See also p. 55. 


(Sairam). North-east of it is a considerable rivulet, which 
flows westward and empties itself into a great river. In 
the space of a hundred li the traveller meets many ruined 
cities, for this land is situated just at the boundary be- 
tween Bie-shi-ha-li and the dominions of the Meng-gu 
(Mongols), and therefore has been frequently devastated, 
and its population has been dispersed. ISTow-a-days, several 
hundreds of soldiers are the only inhabitants of Yang-i, 
and the ruins of the ancient walls are covered with bushes 
and reeds. 

In the reign of Yung lo (1403-24), CJCen CKeng (a 
Chinese envoy, see p. 147) visited this country.^^^^ 

1050 There are some irreconcilable contradictions in the above statements. 
The boundary between Bishbalik (Moghulistan) and the territories of the 
Mongols cannot be 360 li east of Sairam. Probably we have to read 
Samarkand instead of Mongols, Farther on the same Ming shi states, in 
the article on Samarkand, that this latter country borders upon Yang-i. The 
name Yang-i seems to be intended for Yanghi hand (meaning new city). 
But there were in the Middle Ages several cities in Turkestan which bore 
this name. One of them is spoken of by Rashid-eddin as a city on the 
Lower Sihun, taken by Chinghiz Khan in 1220. The ruins of it can still 
be seen near the mouth of the Syr Daria (see note 676). But the Yang-i 
of the Ming shi refers to another city situated on the Talas river, as can be 
proved from the statements of the Mohammedan authors in the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries. The Tarikhi Rashidi (Howorth's " Mongols," ii. 
286, resp. Veliaminoff Zernof) reports that the city of Taras (or Talas) was 
called Yanghi by the Mongols, and that there were many people of Yanghi 
in Maverannahr who were called Yanghelik. In the steppe of Yanghi, 
says its author, are found the remains of several cities, and of domes, 
minarets, and schools, but he adds, it is not known which of these ancient 
cities was Yanghi, or what were the names of the others. It seems that 
the Masalek alabsar (first half of the fourteenth century) gives an answer 
to this question, for we read in this book (Quatremere's transl. 224) that 
it was twenty days' journey from Samarkand to YangJii, and that this 
latter consisted of four towns, separated from each other by a distance of 
a fersenkh each. They all had distinct names, and were known as Yanghi, 
Yanghi bali/jh, Kendjck, and 2'ahis. From Yanghi to Almalik was twenty 
days' journey. According to Arab Shah (Manger's transl. ii. p. 147), 
the city of Janci Bclas (correct reading according to Qnatrem^re and 
Fraehn in other manuscripts : Yanghi Tolas) was situated in the country 
beyond the Kkodjend river (Sihun), and distant from Samarkand fifteen 
dayt' journey, and from Sairam about four days. We read in the Zafer 
nameh, vi. 26, t. a. 1404, Timur gave the Mirza Olug beg the government 
of the cities of Tathkend, Seiram, Yenghi, Aahira (correct reading Aspa- 



Sha-lu-hai-ya^^^^ is situated 500 li and more east (should 
be north-east) of Sa-ma-rh-han. The city has been built 

rah), and all the kingdom of Jete as far as China ; and to Mirza Ibrahim 
Sultan that of Andekan, Aksiket, Taraz, and Kashgar as far as Khotan. 
Sultan Baber in his " Memoirs," on the first page, notices that there was 
in former times north of Ferghana the flourishing city of Yanghi, in books 
called Tarazkend. But the Uzbeks had destroyed it. About ancient 
Taras or Talas see note 23. 

1051 ^rab Shah (i. 217) relates the following story in connection with the 
foundation of Shahrokia by Timur : — The latter had given orders to build a 
city (fortress) on the Sihun for the purpose of keeping in check the Jetes 
of Moghulistan. One day when Timur was playing at chess, and was just 
about to checkmate his opponent, the news was brought to him that the 
construction of the fortress had been finished, and at the same time another 
messenger arrived who informed him of the birth of a son. Timur then 
decided to give to the new-born prince the name of Shah Jtok, and ordered the 
fortress to be named Shahrokia. (Shah in Persian means " the king," and 
rok the " rook or castle " at chess.) Arab Shah adds that Shahrokia was 
built on the opposite {i.e., right) bank of the Sihun, and that a floating 
bridge was spread there over the river. According to the Zafer nameh 
(ii. 24), Mirza Shah Rok, Timur's fourth son, was born in 1 377. But 
Sherif-eddin refers the foundation of Shahrokia to a later time. We read 
in the Zafer nameh (vi. 27) on the subject : The city of Fenakend had been 
so ruined by Chinghiz Khan's army (compare i. 278), that there remained 
no traces of any edifices till 1 392, when Timur ordered it to be rebuilt and 
repeopled, and as he then gave it to Mirza Shah Rok, it was caJled Shah- 
rokia. When the conqueror, in 1404, made preparations for his great 
expedition to China, he ordered the right wing of his army to pass the 
winter with the troops at Tashkend, Sairam, and Shahrokia. (Comp, also 
ibid. vi. 39.) In the history of the successors of Timur (by Abder Raz- 
zak, Mirkhond, &c. ), Shahrokia is repeatedly mentioned. In 14 1 6 Shah 
Rok's son, Ulug beg, on his way from Turkestan to Samarkand, crossed 
the Sihun at Shahrokia. In 1449 *^® same prince, pursued by his rebel- 
lious son Abdullatif, fled to Shahrokia. In 146 1 Mirza Mohammed Juki, 
the son of Abdullatif, revolted against Sultan Abu Said, who was then 
ruling over Maverannahr and Khorassan (Herat), and at the Sultan's 
approach shut himself up in the fortress of Shahrokia on the Sihun, pro- 
tected, as the chronicler reports, on three sides by the stream of the river, 
and on the fourth by a deep ditch. This place was then rendered unassail- 
able by the Mirza, It was only in 1463 that the fortress surrendered after 
a siege of nearly twelve months by the Sultan's troops. Sultan Baber in his 
" Memoirs " (i, 2) states : — The river Sihun, known also under the name of 
river of Khodjend, takes its rise in the north-east, and then flowing in a 
western direction, runs through Ferghanah. It passes north of Khodjend 
and south of Finaket, which is now called Shahrokia, then turns to the 


on a little hill on the river Huo-djan}^^^ which borders it 
to the north-west. This river runs rapidly. A floating 
bridge stretches over it. But the people cross the river 
also on small boats. 

(According to the Ming Geography, there is east of 
the city of Sha-lu-hai-ya another river called Ha-hu- 

Not far to the south of Sha-lu-hai-ya are mountains, the 
valleys of which are well populated. There are rich gar- 
dens. To the west there is a great sandy desert, which 
extends for nearly 200 li. It is destitute of water, with 
the exception of some undrinkable brackish water found in 
some places. When cattle or horses drink it they die.^^^^ 
A stinking plant, yielding the medicine a-wei, grows in 
this country .^^^* There is also a little bushy plant (shrub) 
from one to two feet high, which exudes a kind of dew 
which, when hardened in autumn, is eaten by the people 

north towards Turkestan, where it finally loses itself in the moving sand, 
without reaching another river or a sea. 

An interesting notice regarding the site of ancient Shahrokia is found 
in the " Turkestan Gazette," December i6, 1886. According to the Tarikh 
nameh, written in the first half of the sixteenth century, Timur, after the 
foundation of Shahrokia, ordered a canal to be dug in order to conduct the 
water of the Sihun westward for the irrigation of the Djazir, or the desert 
which extends between the Jihun and the mountains of Djizak. The dry 
bed of this canal, known under the name of Urumhai aryJc, can still be 
traced in this desert, which the Russians term " golodnaya step," or hunger 
desert, and which the traveller proceeding from Tashkend to Samarkand 
has to cross between Chinaz and Djizak. By order of the Russian Govern- 
ment an attempt has even been made to re-establish the ancient water- 
course in the Urumbai aryk, and also in another artificial channel, the Bok- 
hara aryk or Shaar anjk, in the same desert. The author of this note in 
the " Turkestan Gazette " is disposed to identify the ruins called Sharkia, 
situated on the Sihun opposite the head of the Urumbai aryk, with ancient 
Shahrokia. Unhappily the aryks and places mentioned in this article are 
not found on the detailed Russian map of Turkestan, but it seems that the 
bead of the Urumbai must be looked for south of Chinaz. 

^*^^ The river of Khodjend or Sihun. See preceding note. 

"" This is the hunger desert noticed in note 105 1. 

*•** A'Xoie is the Chinese name for Asafcetida. See note 974. Schuyler 
("Turkestan," i. 228) states that the Asa foetida plant grows in great 
profusion on the road from Chinaz to Djizak. 

15 & i6 CENT.] ANDEKAN. 255 

like honey. By boiling, sugar can be obtained from it. 
The natives call it ta-lang-gu-hin}^^^ 

In the reign of Yung lo (1403-25), Li Ta and CKen 
CKeng (see p. 147) were sent to this country, whereupon 
the chief of it despatched an embassy with tribute to the 
Chinese court. In 1432 the Chinese emperor sent the 
eunuch Li Kui (see p. 148) thither, with a letter and pre- 
sents for the chief. 


An-di-gan is a little realm in the Si yil (Western coun- 
tries). After T^ai tsu of the Yuan (Chinghiz Khan) con- 
quered the Si yli, he divided it, and gave the principalities 
as appanages to the princes of his house. The smaller 
ones were governed by ofiQcers, like the appanages of these 
princes in China (y. swpra, p. 11). After the fall of the 
Yuan dynasty, these principalities became independent. 
Emperor Yung lo repeatedly despatched envoys to these 
countries, and some of them accordingly sent tribute to 
the Chinese court. The larger ones called themselves 
kingdoms, the smaller ones places. During the reign of 
Yung lo, from seventy to eighty different tribes or places 
of the Si yil had sent envoys with tribute, to bow respect- 
fully before the emperor's door. An-di-gan was one of 
these little realms. In 141 3 it sent tribute, together with 
Ha-lie (Herat). When, in 1416, the emperor despatched 
Lu An and others to Ha-lie, Shi-la-sz, and other countries 
to open a route for commerce, this envoy passed also 
through An-di-gan and bestowed presents on the chief. 
But as this country was small, it was not able to send 
tribute again.^^^^ 

1055 rpj^ig jg tiie Alhagi manna. (See note 973.) The Ming Geography, 
(article Samarkand) calls it kan lu, or "sweet dew." 

^°^^ Andekan is the name of a city in Ferghana. On modern maps the 
name is generally written A ndedjan, but the Zafer nameh writes it Ande- 
kan, and applies it generally to the whole of Ferghana, of which Andegan 
was the capital in the days of Timur and his successors. Compare Sultan 



Sa-Ttia-rh-han is the same country as that called Ki-pin 
at the time of the Han. At the time of the Sui (sixth 
century), it was called the kingdom of Tsao. The T'ang 
adopted again the name Ki-pin}^^'^ This country has 
always had intercourse with China. T^ai tsu of the Yilan 
(Chiughiz Khan) conquered it, and it was then ruled by a 
Mongol prince, and the name was changed into the Mongol 
name Sa-ma-rh-hanP^ Sa-ma-rh-han is 9600 li distant 
from Kia-yii kuan. 

At the close of the Yiian dynasty this country was ruled 
by the king fu ma THe-mu-rh}^^^ 

Baber's description of Ferghana at the beginning of his " Memoirs." He 
writes Andedjan. In 1376 Timur made his son Omar Sheikh governor of 
Andekan (Zafer nameh, ii. 16), and when this prince, in 1393, had been 
appointed governor of Fars, Timur, in 1 393, gave the government of Ande- 
kan to Mirza Eskender, third son of Omar Sheikh (ibid. v. 2). In 1404 
Timur entrusted the Mirza Ibrahim Sultan, second son of Shah Rok, with 
the government of Andekan (ibid, vi, 26), In 1409 Shah Rok gave the 
government of Ferghana to Mirza Emirek Ahmed, a younger brother of 
Eskender. He was expelled in 1414 by Mirza Ulug beg of Samarkand, 
and it seems that henceforth Ferghana depended on Samarkand. When 
Sultan Abu Said, great grandson of Timur, reigned in Samarkand, 1451-69, 
bis son Omar Sheikh held the government of Andekan. Omar Sheikh 
died in 1494, and left Ferghana to his son Sultan Baber, who subsequently 
founded the Mongol empire in India. 

1057 These identifications of the Ming shi are altogether arbitrary and 
wrong. In the days of the Han, Samarkand was known to the Chinese 
under the name oiK'ang-Tcu; the T'ang historians called it K'ang or Sa-mo- 
kien. See above, p. 59. As to the country Ki-pin, it has been generally 
identified with Kabul. 

1058 This again is nonsense. About the origin of the name of Samar- 
kand, see p. 60. 

W59 pu jjia ig a Chinese term meaning " son-in-law of the Chinese em- 
peror." But the Chinese chronicler does not mean to say that the great 
Timur had married a daughter of the emperor of China. Fu ma here is a 
translation of the Mongol title gurkan or kurgan, which was bestowed only 
upon the princes allied by marriage with the house of Chinghiz Khan. In 
modern Mongol khurghen means a son-in-law. Klaproth informs us 
('♦Nouv. Joum. Asiat.," 1828, p. 295) that on all medals preserved from the 
time of Timur he is titled Amir Timur kurkan.* Timur'a favourite wife, 

• It U strange to say, Vambery takes the title kurgan to be the family name of 
Timor (" TrAvob In Central Asia," p. 308). 

i5&i6cENT.] SAMARKAND. 257 

Rung wu (the first Ming emperor) was desirous of estab- 
lishincr a re^lar intercourse with the countries in the west, 
and sent repeatedly envoys with the imperial manifestos 
to invite the rulers of these distant countries to send em- 
Serai Mulk Khanum, whom he married in 1369, and who subsequently 
became the mother of Shah Rok, was the daughter of Kazan Sultan Khan 
of Turkestan and Maverannahr, who was a descendant of Chinghiz (Zafer 
nameh, i. 26). Compare also Arab Shah, i. p. 27 : " Postquam vero 
Transoxianse imperium sibi vindicasset, Timur, sequalibus suis superior in 
matrimonium accepit Regum Filias, ideoque addiderunt ei cognomen 
kurhan, quod in idiomate Moghulensi valet ' gener.' " But Arab Shah is 
mistaken in asserting farther on (ii. p. 859), that Timur's first and second 
wives were daughters of the emperor of China. I have not been able to 
find either in the Yiian shi or the Ming shi, where lists of the imperial 
princesses under each reign and their respective husbands are given, any 
corroboration of this suggestion. The Zafer nameh also, which notices nine 
wives of Timur, knows nothing about a Chinese princess among them. But 
besides Serai Mulk Khanum, Timur married in 1397 another Mongol 
princess, of the race of Chinghiz, called Tukel Khanum. She was the 
daughter of Khizer Khod ja, Khan of Moghulistan (Zafer nameh, iii. 69, 70). 
Khanikoff is therefore mistaken in stating in his "Description of the 
Khanate of Bokhara," 1843, P" I03> ^^^^ ^^^ Medresseh Khanym in Samar- 
kand was built by a daughter of the emperor of China, Timur's wife. He 
states further that she had brought along with her for this purpose Chinese 
workmen. I am not aware from what sources the assertions of these 
authors are derived. 

The Great Timur, as he reports himself in his Autobiography, was born in 
1336, March 19, in the neighbourhood of the city of Kesh (in the village 
of Ilgar, according to Arab Shah, i. p. 15). He belonged to the Mongol 
tribe of Berulass or Berlas {v. supra, p. 40), the progenitor of which, 
Kajuli, was the brother of Kabul Khan, the great-grandfather of Chinghiz. 
Timur's fifth ancestor, Karachar noyen, had been generalissimo and prime 
minister of Chagatai, the second son of Chinghiz. He first embraced the 
Mohammedan faith. Kesh, the property of Karachar, then became the 
residence of his tribe, Berlas. The name of Timur's father was Taragai. 
As Timur was lame — he had been wounded in the hand and foot in Seistan 
in 1363, he was called also Timur lenlc {lenk = la,me in Persian). See Zafer 
nameh, i. 8; Arab Shah, i. p. 15, ii. p. 781. This is the origin of the 
name Tamerlane, by which the conqueror was first known in Europe. In 
that period the Mongol Khans elected to reign over Maverannahr were 
mere titular khans, depending entirely on the great amirs, who set them up 
and murdered them as they liked. After a long struggle between Timur 
and his brother-in-law, Hussein, for the supreme power, which finished 
with the defeat and execution of Hussein in 1 369, Timur ascended the 
throne of Maverannahr, and set up his residence at Samarkand in 1 370. 
However, it is a fact worthy of notice that Timur never assumed the title 
of Khan. Even in the height of his conquests he called himself only Amir, 



bassies. In 1387,111 the fourth month, a Mohammedan, 
by name of Man-la Ha-fei-sz\ arrived at the Chinese capital 
as envoy from rie-mu-rh. He offered as tribute fifteen 
horses and two camels, and was well treated and rewarded. 
Sa-ma-rh-han then sent horses and camels as tribute every 
year, and in 1 392 that country offered as tribute six pieces 
of velvet, nine pieces of blue so-fu^^^^ and green sa-ha- 
la,^^^ two pieces of each, knives and swords made of pin 
Vie,^^^ armour, &c. At the same time Mohammedans from 
Sa-ma-rh-han had brought horses for sale to Liang chou (in 
Kan su). The emperor ordered these horses to be driven 
to the capital. During the Yuan (Mongol) dynasty the 
Mohammedans had spread over the whole of China, and 
especially in the province of Kan su they had settled in 
great number. Now an order was given to the governor of 
that province to send them back to their country, and 
accordingly, more than 1200 Mohammedans set out for 

In 1394, in the eighth month, an embassy despatched 
by Tie-mu-rh arrived. The envoy offered to the emperor 
200 horses, and transmitted a letter of his sovereign of the 
following tenor : — 

" I respectfully address to your Majesty, great Ming 

and maintained titular successors to the throne of Chagatai in Maver- 
annahr, and their names were put at the head of the state papers. The 
last of these, Sultan Mohammed Khan, died during Timur's campaign in 
Anatolia in 1402 (Zafer nameh, v. 54), 

io*f Sofu (not a Chinese name) is, according to the Ming Geography, 
a Btuff resembling silk, which is manufactured in Herat of downs of birds. 
But in the Yiian shi, chap. Ixxviii., official dress, su-fu (evidently the same), 
JH mentioned as a fine woollen cloth manufactured in the country of the 
Mohammedans. According to Mr. Schefer, transl. of the Khitay nameh, 
p. 63, note, suf is indeed a woollen cloth. 

***^ The Ming Geography mentions the sa-ka-la also as a manufac- 
ture of Baruj-k'ola (Bengal) and So-li (Tanjore, M. Polo, ii. 354), and 
•Utet that this stuff is woven from wool, and that it is downy. There 
ar« two kinds, a red and a green. Probably by sa-ha-la the Persian shal 
(»h*wl) iji intended. But see also note to Groeneveldt, 1. 1, (new edition), 

*••' Fino iteel, tee note 395. 

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Emperor, upon whom Heaven has conferred the power to 
rule over China. The glory of your charity and your 
virtues has spread over the whole world. The people 
prosper by your grace, and all the kingdoms lift up their 
eyes to you gratefully. All they know is that Heaven 
wishes to regulate the ruling of the people, and ordered 
your Majesty to arise and accept the fate of the throne, 
and be the Lord over myriads. The splendour of your 
reign is bright like the heavenly mirror, and lights up the 
kingdoms, the adjoining as well as the far. I, THe-mic-rh, 
although ten thousand li distant from your Majesty, have 
also heard of your high virtues, surpassing all that has 
been seen before. You have been favoured by fortune 
as no emperor has before. The nations, which never had 
submitted, now acknowledge your supremacy, and even the 
most remote kingdoms, involved in darkness, have now 
become enlightened. The old men enjoy happiness, the 
young men grow up and follow them. All good men are 
happy, whilst the bad men are struck with fear. Your 
Majesty has gracefully allowed the merchants of distant 
countries to come to China and carry on trade. Foreign 
envoys have had a chance of admiring the wealth of your 
cities and the strength of your power, like as if they sud- 
denly went out from the dark and saw the light of Heaven. 
Whereby have we merited such favour ? I have respect- 
fully received the gracious letter in which your Majesty 
has condescended to inquire about my welfare. Owing to 
your solicitude there have been established post-stations to 
facilitate the intercourse of foreigners with China, and all 
the nations of distant countries are allowed to profit by 
this convenience. I see with deference that the heart of 
your Majesty resembles that vase which reflects what 
is going on in the world. My heart has been opened 
and enlightened by your benevolence. The people in my 
kingdom have also heard your gracious words. They re- 
joice and are filled with thankfulness. I can return your 
Majesty's kindly-disposed feelings only by praying for 


your happiness and long life. May they last eternally like 
heaven and earth." ^^^ 

With respect to the vase reflecting what is going on in 
the world, (the Chinese chronicler says) there is an ancient 
tradition among the people of Sa-ma-rh-han about the 
existence of a vase which has the property of reflecting 
sunlight in such a way that all affairs of the world can be 

When the emperor had read the letter of T'ie-mu-rh, he 
was much delighted, saying that it was written in a good 

In the next year, 1395, the emperor sent one of his 
secretaries, by name An (full name An Chi tao, see p. 144), 
to Sa-ma-rh-han, with presents and a letter for the ruler, 
to thank him for his kind dispositions.^^^^ T*ie-mii-rh sent 
in one year 1000 horses as tribute, and the emperor made 

1063 rpi^jg respectful and flowery letter of Timur addressed to the Chinese 
emperor is in complete contradiction with what we know from the report 
of Clavijo, the Castilian ambassador, about Timur's disposition regarding 
the emperor of China, whom he called a thief and a scoundrel even in 
the presence of the Chinese envoy, and to whom the Zagatays had given 
the name of Tangus, or " pig emperor." (See above, p. 145.) This latter 
name, Tangus Khan, applied to the Chinese emperor, occurs also in the 
Zafer nameh, iii. 70, v. 4, However, the allusion to the vase of Bjemshid 
(see next note) in the above letter gives it a stamp of authenticity. 

1064 "pjjjg jg without doubt an allusion to the famous vase of Bjemshid^ 
spoken of frequently by the Persian poets. Rashid-eddin reports that this 
vase, made of turquoise according to tradition, was dug out of the ruins 
of Estekhar (Persepolis), which city, as is believed, had been founded by 
Djeroshid, the first king of Persia. Djemshid in Persian means " vase of 
the sun." See d'Herbelot's "Bibl. Orientale." Compare also the Shah 
nameh, Mohl's transl., iii. 345, 347, 355 : "Kai Khosrou voit dans la 
coupe qui r^fldchit I'image du monde." 

1066 The Zafer nameh reports (iii. 70) that in 1 396 or '97, when Timur 
passed the winter near Chinaz on the Sihun, ambassadors arrived from 
Tanghuz Khan, emperor of Khatai, with abundance of curious presents. 
They were introduced to their audience by the great amirs. They offered 
their presents, and after declaring the subject of their mission, and de- 
livering their credentials, they had their audience of leave, and returned 

Hung Vfu, the first Ming emperor, died, according to the Chinese annals, 
in the summer of 1399. He was succeeded by his grandson, Kien wen, a 
youth of lixteeu. Yung lo, his son, dissatisfied with this arrangement, 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



return presents of precious stones and money in bank- 

When Cheng tsu (Yung lo, 1403-24) had come to the 
throne, he sent again an envoy to Sa-ma-rh-han with a 
letter for T*ie-mu-rh. An at that time had not yet re- 
turned, and even in 1405 he was still absent. Intelligence 
then had been received that T'ie-mu-rh had raised troops, 
and was about to set them in motion against China, intending 
to pass through Bie-shi-ba-li (Moghulistan). The emperor 
gave orders to the commander-in-chief in Kan su to make 
ready for war.. In 1407 the envoy An and his suite 
returned to China. He reported that the embassy had 
been retained by T'ie-mu-rh, who at the same time had 
refused to send tribute to China, and in order to boast of 
the great extent of his dominions, he had sent the Chinese 
envoy, accompanied by an officer from Sa-ma-rh-han, to 
journey in his states. It was only after T'ie-mu-rh's 
death ^^^^ that his grandson and successor, Ra-li^^'^ had 
released An, and when the latter returned to China he 
was accompanied by Hu-dai-da (Khodaidad), an envoy of 

overcame his nephew, and seized the crown, after a struggle of four years, 
in 1403. A few years later, Yung lo moved the capital from Nan king 
back to Peking. The Zafer nameh (v. 4) reports on these events in the fol- 
lowing terms : In 1399 (in autumn or winter, Timur then was encamped in 
the Karabagh beyond the Araxes) there came advice that Tanguz Khan^ 
emperor of Khatai, where he had reigned a long time, professing idolatry, 
was dead, and that the Khataians had revolted and caused great confusion 
in the empire. 

1066 According to the Zafer nameh (vi. 30), Timur died on the 1 8th of 
February 1405 at Otrar, just when he had resolved upon invading China, 
and moved out at the head of his army towards the east. Clavijo had left 
Samarkand on the 2ist of November 1404. On his way home he went to 
visit Omar Mirza (Timur's grandson), who was encamped in the plain of 
Karabagh beyond the Araxes, and when he reached the camp, on the 26th 
March 1405, he first heard of the death of Timur Beg. But Clavijo is 
mistaken in stating that Timur died at Samarkand (Clavijo, 179, 186, 

1067 gy j^jg jast will, Timur had designated as his successor on the throne 
of Samarkand Pir Mohammed, the son of his eldest son, Jehanghir. Herat 
devolved to the conqueror's fourth son, Shah Rok. But after Timur's 
death, Khalil Sultan (the Ha-li of the Chinese annals), son of Miran Shah, 


Ha-li, wlio sent presents to the emperor. This envoy was 
richly rewarded. The emperor then despatched the chi 
hui Bo-a-rh-Un-Vai to offer sacrifices in memory of the 
deceased king of Sa-ma-rh-han, and bestow presents of 
silver and silk stuffs on the new king and the people. 

About that time Sha-hei Nu-rh-ding}^^^ one of the chief- 
tains (Amirs) of Sa-ma-rh-han, sent horses and camels as 
tribute. When this embassy returned home, An was sent 
for a second time to Sa-ma-rh-han with presents for the 
king. He returned in 1409. An envoy from Sa-ma-rh- 
han came along with him. Subsequently Sa-ma-rh-han 
sent tribute every two or three years. 

In 141 5, when the Chinese envoys Li Ta and Ctien CKeng 
returned from their mission to the Si yu (see p. 147), an 
envoy from Sa-ma-rh-han came with them, and when this 
envoy returned, he was accompanied by CKen Clieng and Lu 
An, carrying silver and silk stuffs as presents for the chief 
(of Samarkand), U-lu Bai'^^^^ and others, and when Ch*en 

third son of Timur, usurped the throne, and established his power in Samar- 
kand and Maverannahr (Zafer nameh, vi. 46). He had scarcely reigned 
four years when he was dethroned by Khodaidad Husseini, and conveyed to 
Moghulistan. The Amir Khodaidad Husseini, a valiant general, who had 
taken part in most of Timur's campaigns, after the death of the latter sided 
with Khalil, and put him on the throne. Khodaidad was put to death 
by order of the Khan of Moghulistan in 1409. As to Khalil Sultan, he 
returned from Moghulistan. Shah Rok, who had taken possession of 
Samarkand, sent him to Rei in Persia, where he died in 141 1. 

*•* The Amir Sheikh Nureddin, a famous general in Timur's army. He 
was present when Timur died. In 1409 he revolted against Shah Rok, 
and retired with his troops to Otrar. He applied for assistance to the 
Khan of Moghulistan, who agreed to invade Maverannahr, when Sheikh 
Nureddin was treacherously murdered by one of Shah E,ok"s generals in 

"•• Mirza Ulug Beg, the eldest son of Shah Rok. He was bom in 
1394. In 1409 his father entrusted him with the government of Maver- 
annahr and Turkestan, which he held to the day of his death. He resided 
at Samarkand. The narrative of Shah Rok's embassy to China reports, 
that when this embassy from Herat had reached Samarkand in February 
1420, Ulug Beg had already before this despatched his own envoys with 
ft ooinpanj of Kbatai people. It seems that the embassy here spoken of 
U the same m the one recorded in the Ming shi as having accompanied the 
CbliMM eoToy Chen Cb'eng when he returned from Samarkand. Ulug 

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Ch* eng went back to China again, an envoy from Samar- 
kand accompanied him. 

In 1420 Ch'en Ch'eng was once more despatched to 
Samarkand, together with another envoy, the eunuch Kuo 

In 1430, in the autumn or winter, envoys with tribute 
arrived from Samarkand. They had been sent by the chief 
U-ho JBai Mi-rh-dsa (Ulug Beg Mirza, see note 1069) and 
other chiefs. In 1432 the eunuch Li Kui was despatched 
to Samarkand with presents for these chiefs. 

In 1439 a fine horse was offered to the emperor by the 
chief of Samarkand. It was of black colour with a white 
forehead and white feet. By the emperor's orders a picture 
of it was made, and it was named shui jpao.^^'^^ 

In 1445, in the tenth month, the emperor wrote the fol- 
lowing letter to the Prince of Samarcand, U4u-Bai Uil-lie- 
han (Ulug Beg gurkan, see note 1059) : — 

" I am thankful to you, king, that you have sent tribute 
from so far a country as yours, and in reward I send you 
some pieces of silk stuff and garments for your wife and 
children, and as a particular mark of my esteem I add 
some vessels made of gold and jade, a spear with a dragon's 
head, a fine horse with saddle, and variegated gold-embroi- 
dered silk stuffs." 

In 1456 an embassy from Samarkand with tribute 
arrived at the capital. The Board of Eites on this occa- 
sion made a report to the emperor, stating that it had 

Beg was a very learned prince and protector of sciences. Astronomy espe- 
cially flourished in Samarkand under his reign. In 1420 he constructed 
at Samarkand an observatory, the most important result of which was the 
formation of the Zick-i-jedeid-i GurJchani, or new astronomical tables of 
Ulug Beg, subsequently in general use among the oriental astronomers for 
their calculations. (See S^dillot's " Prol^gomenes des Tables Astrono- 
miques de Oloug Beg," 1847, 1853). Ulug Beg was murdered in 1449 by 
his son Abdullatif. 

^°^° It seems that Ulug Beg has twice made to the emperor of China a 
present of a black horse with white feet. We read in the narrative of 
Shah Rok's embassy that the envoys saw (in 1420) the Chinese emperor 
mounted on a tall black horse with white legs,, which Mirza Ulug Beg had 
sent him. 


always been considered a rule to reward generously the 
envoys and other members of the foreign embassies who 
presented tribute, but that this abuse ought to be abo- 
lished and the return presents reduced. The Board of 
Rites proposed, amongst others, the following rates to be 
adopted : — 

Every horse of the breed called a-lu-gu}^'^'^ when pre- 
sented as tribute, to be estimated as equal to four pieces 
of variegated velvet and eight garments of cheap silk. 

Three camels = ten garments of cheap silk. 

One Tatar horse {Ta-ta ma) = one piece of hempen 
cloth and eight pieces of cheap silk. 

They (the embassy from Samarkand) had also brought 
jade, but only twenty-four pieces of it, weighing sixty-eight 
kin, were fit for being worked, whilst the rest, 5900 kin, 
was of no use. The Board of Eites proposed that they 
should sell it for their own account, but they solicited 
from the Board permission to accept it at the rate of one 
piece of cheap silk for every five kin of jade, to which the 
Chinese government consented. When the embassy went 
home, the emperor sent presents for the king of Samarkand, 
whose name was Bu-sa-yin}^'^^ 

In 1457 the emperor sent the tu chi hui Ma Yiin and 

^^ Mr. Schefer (Khitay nameh, p. 63) holds that by a-lu-gu the Chinese 
intend ulagh, post-horse. A-lu-gu horses are also mentioned in the letters 
addressed to the Ming emperors by princes and envoys from the kingdoms 
of Central and Western Asia. See Amiot's translation, I. c. It is also 
not improbable that the Chinese by a-lu-gu ma (the last character means 
horse in Chinese) intended to render the word arghamak, which is still the 
name for Turkoman horses in Samarkand. Compare also the narrative of 
Shah Rok's embassy to China : The Chinese emperor said to the envoys 
that he had a mind to send to Kara Yussuf (the chief of the Turkomans 
at that time ; he died in 1420), and to ask from him some fine race- 

*"" At the time here spoken of, Sultan Ahu Said reigned in Samarkand. 
He was a grandson of Mirza Miran Shah, the third son of Tiumr. Two 
years after Ulug Beg's death, in 145 1, he got possession of Samarkand, 
where he reigned till 1469, when he undertook an expedition to Azerbei- 
djan against Uzzan Hassan, the chief of the Turkomans, who made him 
prisoner and put him to death. About the name Busaid or Busain used 
for Abu Said, see note 789. 

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others to the Si yil (western countries). They had also 
presents for the So-lu-fan Mu-sa^^^^ who ordered an escort 
for the imperial envoy when he went home. So-lu-fan 
(Sultan) in their language means " sovereign," and has the 
same meaning as K'o-han (Khan) in Mongol. 

In 1463 the chi hui Chan Sheng was entrusted with a 
mission to Samarkand. 

In the reign of Ch'eng hua (1465-88) the So-lu-fanA-hei- 
ma^^'^^ sent) three times tribute to the Chinese court. In 
1483 he sent an embassy to China, together with the chief 
of I-sz-fa-han (Isfahan, see farther on). They carried as 
presents two lions.^^^^ When A-hei-ma's envoy had arrived 
at Su chou he requested a high Chinese officer to be de- 
spatched to meet him. The subject was discussed in the 
council of Chinese ministers, and from various sides it was 
objected that lions were useless beasts; they could not 
be employed in sacrifice, while they were also unfit to be 
put to a cart. Therefore such presents should be refused. 
But the emperor ordered a eunuch to be sent to meet the 
lions. The food of these beasts consisted of two living 
sheep and two jars of tsu yil (a kind of sour soup), and 
two jars of milk with honey every day. The name of the 
envoy from Sa-ma-rh-han was P\a-liu-wan}^'^^ He was not 
satisfied with the presents he had received from the em- 
peror. When he returned home, the emperor ordered the 
eunuch Wei Lo and the master of ceremonies Hai Fin to 
accompany him. They went not by the usual way, but 
proceeded to Kuang tung (Canton), where the envoy from 
Samarkand bought a number of Chinese girls. Wei Lo 
made Hai Pin responsible for this contravention of the law, 

^°^^ It seems that here again Sultan Abu Said is meant. 
^°^* Sultan Ahmed, the eldest son of Abu Said. He succeeded his father 
on the throne of Samarkand, and died in 1493. 

1075 iphg Khitay nameh (Shefer's transl. 63) reports that the Moham- 
medan merchants who (in the fifteenth century) go to China by the land 
route usually carry with them for sale lions, onces, and lynxes, for these 
beasts are highly prized there. 

1076 Probably Pehelevan^ meaning " valiant " in Persian. 


and the latter was accordingly degraded. The envoy then 
asked permission to proceed by sea-route to Man-la-kia 
(Malacca), to buy there a suan i/^^^ and present it to the 
emperor, but Wei Lo made objections. (It is not stated 
whether or not P'a-liu-wan was finally allowed to go 

In 1489 an envoy from Samarkand arrived at Kuang 
Umg (Canton). He had come by way of Man-la-kia, and 
brought as tribute a lion and parrots. The governor of 
Kuang tung reported to Peking on his arrival. The Board 
of Eites objected that the sea-way was not the regular way 
for tribute carried from Samarkand, and that besides this, 
a lion was a beast too dangerous to be kept for pleasure. 
Its transport to the court would cause great trouble and 
require considerable expense. The emperor himself had 
declared that he disliked rare birds as well as strange 
beasts. But nevertheless presents were bestowed upon the 

In the next year (1490) an envoy from Samarkand 
arrived together with an embassy from Tu-lu-fan (Turf an), 
to present a lion and a beast called ha-la-lm-la}^''^ When 
they reached Kan su, pictures were taken of these beasts 
and sent by a courier to the emperor. The ministers pro- 
posed to refuse these presents, but the emperor agreed to 
receive them. 

An embassy from Samarkand to the Chinese court is 
further recorded under the year 1501, and several embassies 
from the same country arrived in the reign of Cheng te, 

When in 1523 an embassy from Samarkand had reached 
the capital, the Board of Eites laid before the emperor a 
report, pointing out that the embassies from foreign coun- 
tries to the Chinese court used to be on their road a whole 
year, and then spent a considerable time at the capital. 

^•'^ I »m not prepared to say what the Chinese author means. Suan. i, 
•ooording to Williams' Dictionary, 273, 833, a fabulous beast like a lion. 
"^ The earaeal, Feli» caracal, the Asiatic lynx. See I., p. 127. 

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For the whole time their subsistence was at the charge of 
the huang lu (banqueting office). As there were no sums 
for defraying these expenses, it was proposed to change 
these regulations. The emperor agreed. 

In 1 533 Samarkand sent tribute to the court. The envoy 
arrived together with embassies from THen fang (Arabia) 
and T^u-lii-fan (Turfan). The Chinese government was 
puzzled by the circumstance that these embassies turned 
out to have been sent by nearly one hundred rulers, who 
all called themselves wang (kings or princes), namely, 
fifteen in Turfan, twenty-seven in Arabia, and fifty-three 
in Samarkand. In the year 1536 the number of kings in 
the western countries who offer tribute amounted even to 
more than 150. The question whether these titles had to 
be acknowledged by the Chinese government was much 
discussed in the council of ministers, and it was finally 
decided to title them in the imperial rescripts as they used 
to call themselves. In the new regulations it was further 
established that in future foreigners should not be em- 
ployed as interpreters, and only Chinese interpreters had 
to be used. 

In the reign of Wan li (i 573-1620) the intercourse with 
Samarkand was still animated, for those foreigners liked 
to carry on trade with the Chinese people. Besides this, 
it was the custom that when they had entered China, the 
Chinese government took charge of their maintenance. It 
had, however, been settled that tribute should be sent from 
Samarkand only once in five years. ^^^^ 

After this historical sketch of Chinese intercourse with 
Samarkand in the days of the Ming, the Ming shi adds a 

^°''^ In the very beginning of the sixteenth century the Timurids were 
expelled from Samarkand by Sheibani Mohammed Khan, the founder of the 
Uzbeg dynasty in Khovarezm, and of Uzbeg power in Transoxiana {v. 
supra, p. 142), It does not seem that the Mohammedan annals posterior 
to the middle of the fifteenth century mention any diplomatical intercourse 
between Samarkand and China. The so-called embassies from Samar- 
kand, as recorded in the Chinese annals in the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries, bore probably a purely commercial character. 


few details describing the city of Samarkand, the produc- 
tions and customs of the country, &c. As the information 
on the same subject found in the Ming Geography is more 
detailed, I present in the following translation a fusion of 
these notices given in both works. The Ming Geography 
draws principally from the above-noticed narrative (see 
p. 147), Shi Si yil hi, the original of which does not exist 
at the present time. 

The kingdom of Samarkand extends for 3000 li from 
east to west. It consists of vast plains. The soil is fertile. 
The city in which the king has his residence is 10 li wide 
and upwards, and its population is densely crowded.^^^* 

1080 jn 1^04 Clavijo, the Castilian ambassador, visited Samarkand. 
Schildberger seems to have been there at the same time. Clavijo (165-170) 
gives some accounts of the capital of Tamerlane. He states that it was a 
little larger than the city of Sevilla, situated in a plain, and surrounded by 
an earthen wall. Outside the city there were a great number of houses, 
joined together in many parts so as to form suburbs. The city was sur- 
rounded on all sides by gardens and vineyards, which extended in some 
directions a league and a half, in others two leagues. Amongst these 
gardens, which were outside, there were great and noble houses, and here 
the Lord had several palaces. Many streams of water flowed through the 
city and through these gardens, and among these gardens there are many 
cotton -plantations and melon-grounds. The land is very plentiful in all 
things. And the name of Samarcand or Cimesquinte is derived from the 
words cimes great and quinte a town {v. supra, p. 59). 

After Clavijo and Schildberger, for nearly four centuries no European 
visited Samarkand ; so that Ritter in his "Asia" (1837) could give no 
information respecting it during that period, except some notices derived 
from Chinese sources. The first European who, after the Castilian ambas- 
sador, saw Samarkand, was the Russian subaltern Yefremof. He was 
made prisoner in 1774 by the Kirghizes at the frontier south of Orenburg, 
and sold to a Beg in Bokhara, but he at length succeeded in escaping, and 
fled westward to Samarkand, Khokand, Marghilan, where he passed for a 
Nogai Tartar. Here he joined a caravan which was going to Kashgar, and 
from Yarkand took the route to India via Tibet and Delhi. Having reached 
Calcutta, he embarked for Europe, reached London, and in August 1782 
St Petersburg, where he published the narrative of his peregrinations. 

For the first authentic account of Samarkand (Yefremof devotes only a 
few words to this city) we are indebted to the members of a Russian scien- 
tific expedition sent to Transoxiana in 1841. See vol. i. p. 78. 

We learn from Professor Vambery's " Travels in Central Asia " that the 
author visited the celebrated city of Samarkand in 1863, of which he gives 
a detailed description. But when a few years later the Russians took pos- 

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In the south-western part of the city numerous stores 
of various kinds of merchandise are found. The city is 
known also under the name of " city of abundance." In 
the north-eastern part of it there is a beautiful building 
set apart for praying to Heaven. The pillars of it are all 
of ts'ing shi (blue stone), with engraved figures. There is 
in this building a hall where the sacred book is explained.^*^^^ 

session of Samarkand (ist of May 1868), and the city became as well 
known as any other city of the Russian empire, serious doubts were raised 
whether the Professor's description of the ruins of Samarkand were really 
founded on personal observation. 

On the Russian map of Samarkand the walled city is represented as an 
oblique, somewhat irregular square, each side measuring about two English 
miles. There can be no doubt that modern Samarkand {i.e., the Moham- 
medan city, for the Russians have built a new city to the north-west) is 
the same as the city of Timur, which is proved by the ruins of the buildings 
erected by Timur being all comprised in the modern city. The Arh, or 
citadel, situated on the western limit of the city, on a hill, was built by 
order of Timur in 1370, immediately after his accession to the throne of 
Maverannahr. We read in the Zafer nameh, ii. 2, that Timur, after 
making Samarkand the capital of his empire, caused the walls of the city 
to be repaired and a fortress to be erected. He built stately palaces and 
neat public edifices. Ibid. vi. 26, s. a. 1404: Timur went from the Col- 
lege of Serai Mulk Khanum to the Arek (citadel), and lodged at gheuh 
serai (blue palace), a palace he had built. This blue palace is, I have no 
doubt, the edifice in the citadel which contains the celebrated gheuk task or 
blue stone. Vambery (205) calls it the reception-hall of Timur. In the 
northern part of the city, not far from the northern wall, are the ruins of 
the Medresseh (College) i Klianym, which, according to Khanykoff and 
Vambery, was built by a Chinese princess, wife of Timur. I have already 
proved (see note 1059) that this princess, Serai Mulk Khanum, was the 
daughter of Kazan Khan of Turkestan and Maverannahr, not of the 
Chinese emperor. The College of Serai Mulk Khanum is repeatedly men- 
tioned in the Zafer nameh. It was opposite the Great Mosque, finished in 
1404 (see note 1081), Professor Vambery describes the Medresseh i 
Khanym from his own observation, strange to say, as situated near the 
Dervazei Bokhara (south-western gate), whilst on the map, and according 
to all the Russian explorers who have described the ruins of Samarkand 
(Khanykoff, Lehmann, Pedchenko, Dr. RadlofiF, &c.), it lies near the 
northern gate. Shah Zindeh. In the Zafer nameh this gate is called 
Sheikh Zade, and repeatedly noticed. I may finally mention the most in- 
teresting of the ancient monuments within the city of Samarkand, the 
celebrated Sepulchre of Timur, which lies in its southern part. Compare 
also about Samarkand note 197, 

1081 rpj^g Chinese reporter saw probably the Great Mosque, the most 
magnificent of the buildings erected by Timur. The foundation of it was 


This sacred book is written in gold characters, the cover 
being made of sheep's leather. 

The king wears a white round cap, his wives wind about 
their heads white silk stuffs. The people are handsome 
and skilful. The customs and the productions of Samar- 
kand resemble those of Ha-lie (Herat). The use of wine 
is prohibited, and it is not allowed to sell it in the market. 
For their beverage and food the people like sour and sweet 
things. They mix their broth with rice and meat. Their 
vessels are of gold and silver. They do not use chop- 
sticks (to take up food with them) nor spoons, but take 
their food up with their fingers. When they kill oxen or 
sheep they bury the blood in the ground .^^^^ j^ trade they 
use silver coins minted in the country. 

The following products are enumerated : — 

Fine horses, single-humped camels, broad-tailed sheep. 

Lions are met in the reed-jungles near the river A-mu. 
When they come into the world they have their eyes 
closed for the first seven days. The people there take 
advantage of this time to catch the young lions. It is im- 
possible to tame them when they are more developed.^^^^ 

Gi-bi-sz-tan, a tree the leaves of which resemble the 
leaves of the shan clia (camellia), whilst the fruit is similar 
to that of the yin king (Salisburia adiantifolia), but a little 

Wa-shi-shi, a plant resembling the ye hao (artemisia). 

laid in the spring of 1399, after Timur's return from the expedition to 
India. It was built opposite the College of Serai Mulk Khanum (see note 
1080), and finished in 1404. The Zafer nameh (iv. 34, vi. 24) gives a 
detailed description of this beautiful mosque, which now seems to have 
entirely disappeared. Vambery {I c. 205), giving a short description of the 
Moaque of Timur from his own observation, states that it lies on the south 
Bide of the city ; but neither Dr. Radloff, who describes in detail the ruins 
of Samarkand, nor other Russian explorers of its remains, mention this 

loM This is still the custom with the butchers in Persia, See also Char- 
din'a •• Voyage en Perse," iv. 142. 

**** The Mohammedan authors report that Hulagu in 1254, after cross- 
ing the Djihun or Amu river, organised a lion-hunt. Ten lions were killed 
(d'Ohttou, iii. 140). Now-a-days there are no lions found in those tracts. 

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The fruit is very fragrant, and good for driving away 

Sua jui pu (lit., cloth made of blossoms. Probably 

Shui tsing yen (rock-crystal salt). This kind of salt is 
very hard and bright, like rock-crystal. The people make 
dishes of it. When moistening these dishes with water, 
meat can be eaten in them without using salt.^^^ 

Besides this, gold, silver, copper, iron, and jade are found 
in this country. 

East of the city of Samarkand there is a river called 
Ha-la-hvy-lan. It is shallow but broad, and flows north- 

To the east, the country of Samarkand borders upon 
Sha-lu-Jiai-ya (Shahrokia), Ta-shi-gan (Tashkend), Sai-lan 
(Sairam), Yang-i (Yanghikend). West of Samarkand are 
K'o-shi (Kesh) and T'ie-li-mi (Termed). All these places 
(or countries) depend on Samarkand. 

I may finally notice that in Amiot's translation of 
letters, &c., there are five addressed to the Ming emperors 
by envoys from Samarkand. 


Bu-hua-rh is situated more than 700 li north-west of 
Samarkand. The city lies in a plain, and is 10 li and 
more in circumference (erroneous figure). The population 
numbers 10,000 families, and has the repute of great 
wealth. The land is low and the climate warm. The 
country produces the five kinds of corn, mulberry trees, 
silk, hemp, the six kinds of domestic animals, and is very 

After this the mission of CUen CUeng (see p. 147) is 
reported with some details. In 1432 Li Ta (see p. 148) 
visited Bu-hua-rh. 

^<^* Chardin, iii. 358, reports that the stone salt of Persia is so hard that 
the poor men build their houses of it. 



Hei'lou is not far from Samarkand. These two countries 
have always been allied by marriages (of their rulers). 
The mountains, rivers, plants, birds, and beasts of Hei-lou 
are all of a black colour. Even the men and women there 
are black.i^^s 

In 1432 an embassy from this country arrived with 
tribute to the Chinese court. In 1437 another embassy 
was sent to China by the king of Hei-lou, called Sha-ha-lu 
So-lu-Van (Shah Eok Sultan). At the head of this embassy 
was the chi hui Ha-dji Ma-hei-ina (Hadji Mahmud). He 
presented tribute and received presents for his sovereign. 
In 1 44 1 again an embassy from Hei-lou arrived, and in 
1453 a^ embassy from that country reached the capital, 
together with (a caravan of) thirty-one neighbouring tribes 
(cities), comprising more than 100 men and women. They 
presented as tribute 247 horses, 12 mules, 10 donkeys, 7 
camels, besides jade, sal ammoniac, fine swords made of 
pin tHe (steel). 

In 1463 the king of Hei-lou, by name Mu-sai-i}^^ sent 
his chi hui ts*ien shi Ma-hei-ma She-rh-han and others, 
with tribute to the emperor. The envoy received presents 
for his sovereign, and was himself rewarded, and raised to 
the rank of chi hui t*ung chi. The seven officers who had 
come with him were all raised to higher ranks. 

In 1483 an embassy from Hei-lou arrived together with 
the envoys from Shi-la-sz' (Shiraz), Samarkand, and Ba- 
dan-sJia (Badakhshan). They carried lions as presents. 

*"•• The statements are altogether absurd. Hei in Chinese means black, 
but Hei-lou is not a Chinese name ; it seems to be intended to render the 
name of Khorassan or Herat, as appears from the mentioning of Shah Rok 
BM the ruler of this country. The Ming shi, however, has yet another 
article devoted to Herat, where this city is termed Ila-Ue (see farther on). 

*•*• It seems to me that here again Sultan Abu Said of Samarkand 
(■ee note 1072) is meant. In 1458 he had taken also possession of Herat 
and KborafisaD, and ruled over this province to the day of his death in 

15 & i6 CENT.] KESH. 273 

The name of the ruler of Ba-dan-sha (at that time) was 
So-lu-fan Ma-hei-ma}^^'^ 

Once more an embassy from Hei-lou is recorded under 
the year 1490. It reached the court at the same time as 
an embassy from T'^ien fang (Arabia) and several other 
embassies. They brought as tribute camels, horses, and 


K'o-shi is situated south-west of Sa-ma-rh-han, 360 li 
distant from this city. The city of K*o-shi, which is 10 ^* in 
circumference, lies in the middle of great villages. There 
are fine palaces and a beautiful temple. The pillars of it 
are of jade ; the walls, doors, and windows are adorned with 
gold, precious stones, and coloured glass. In times past 
the ruler of Samarkand /^^ ma THe-mu-rh (see note 1059) 
used to reside in this city. Outside of it there are fields 
irrigated by water. To the south-east, in the neighbouring 
hills, there are plenty of gardens, and 10 li and more west of 
K'o-shi one meets with very rare trees.^^^^ Three hundred li 

^°^ See farther on the article Badakhshan, p. 277. 

1088 ^es^ or Kasli, the name of a district and a city south of Samarkand, 
in a very fertile country, and surrounded by a number of rich villages, 
Comp. note 209. Kesh is widely known as the birthplace and original 
patrimony of the great Timur (Zafer nameh, preface). It was also called 
Shehr-i-sebz. On modern maps it is generally called Shehr. We read in 
the Zafer nameh, i. 4 : When Timur had become absolute master of Maver- 
annahr in 1360, he took up his abode in the city of Ke»li, called also Shehr 
sebz, or verdant city. Ibid. ii. 28 : Kesh, called also Sheher sebz, the green 
city, because of the verdure and freshness of its gardens, and a meadow 
famous for its rare and curious plants, was the place where the most learned 
doctors of the Mohammedan law assembled. At the same time men of 
learning came from all parts to this city. Since the end of 781, Heg. 
(March 1380) Timur made it his ordinary residence in summer, and de- 
clared it the second seat of the empire ; wherefore he built there new walls 
and a new palace, which he named Akserai, because the walls were white. 
All the sherifs, doctors, and learned men from Khovarezm, after the cap- 
ture of the capita] (in 1379) were sent to Kesh, as also the tradesmen. 
Timur was charmed with the beauty of this city, the purity of the air in 
the surrounding plains, the goodness of the water, the deliciousness of its 
gardens. Baber in his " Memoirs," i. 105, 106, gives the following notice 



to tlie west (should be south) the traveller reaches a great 
imposing mountain, with a defile through it. One might 
think that it had been cut artificially. At the exit of the 
defile, which is 2 or 3 li long, and has a direction from east 
to west, there is a stone gate. The colour of the stones is 
that of iron. For this reason the people of the country 
call this gate THe men huan (Iron gate).^^^^ A military 
post has been established there. There is a tradition that 
T*ai tsu of the Yiian (Chinghiz Khan) met here an animal 
with one horn.^^ 

with respect to this city: — Kesh is situated south' of Samarkand, at the 
distance of nine igadj. Between the two cities lies a hill called Amak 
dayan, from which all the stones brought to the city are quarried. In the 
spring the plains, the town of Kesh, the walls and terraces of the houses, 
are all green and cheerful, whence it is named Shehr-i-sebz. At Kesh was 
the place of Timur's nativity ; he raised there vast buildings. Clavijo, who 
passed through Kesh in 1404, gives (p. 123) a detailed description of Kesh 
and the beautiful country around it. He speaks also of a grand mosque 
which Timur had ordered to be built, which then was not yet finished, 
within which the body of his father was interred. Timur had ordered 
another great chapel to be built for his own body. The first-born son of 
Timur was also interred in this mosque, named Jehanghir. Comp. Zafer 
nameh, ii. 18, about the magnificent mausoleum erected in Kesh for the 
body of the deceased prince Jehanghir. 

The city of Shehr (anciently Kesh) now belongs to the Khanate of Bokh- 
ara. It lies about four English miles south-west of the city of Kitab, 
founded in the middle of the last century. When, in 1870, Kitab for a 
time was occupied by Russian troops, Mr. Kuhn visited Shehr, and in 1880 
published in the "Memoirs of the Russian Geogr, Soc," vi. p. 203, an 
interesting article on his explorations. The ruins of Timur's palace, 
Akserai, can still be seen there, as also the remains of four other buildings 
of the time of Timur. The Russian expedition to Kabul in 1878 passed 
through Shehr. Yavorsky (i. 371, ii. 31) speaks of the beautiful gardens 
and the .«plendid vegetation around and within the city. The ancient 
name of Kesh or Kash has survived in the name of the river Kashka daria, 
on which the city is situated. 

***' Compare about the Iron gate note 211. This celebrated defile, 
through which the road from Samarkand southward to the Jihun, and 
farther to Balkh and Kabul leads, is frequently mentioned in the Zafer 
nameh, and termed there Derbend aheny (Iron gate in Persian), or Kolu- 
fjha. Sometimes the latter name is also written Khulke or Kchulkeh (i. 
5, Hi. 2, iv. 33, vi. 23). Kolufjha had, it seems, the same meaning in the 
Djagatai Turki dialect as derbend, %.e., gate. In Mongol, Khalga means a 
ni«iuntain paHti, a gate. 

*•• About this legend lee i. p. 289, and note 696. 

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This place lies south-west of Sa-ma-rh-han, 2000 li and 
upwards distant from Ha-lie (Herat), There is an old and 
a new city at a distance of more than 10 li between them. 
The population of the city and its neighbourhood con- 
sists of only several hundred families, who are engaged in 
the breeding of cattle. The city of T'ie-li-mi is situated 
east of the river A-mu, which abounds with fish. The 
country east of the river belongs to Samarkand. To the 
west are vast forests (jungles) of he (reeds), in which lions 
are met with.^^^^^ 

Clien CKeng and Li Ta (Chinese envoys, see pp. 147, 
148) visited T'ie-li-mi. 

This place is situated 1300 li north-west (should be 
north-east) of Ha-lie (Herat), and at the same distance 
south-east (south-west) of Samarkand. The city is sur- 
rounded by great villages, and is more than 10 Urn cir- 
cumference. It lies in a fertile, well-watered, and well- 

1091 The Chinese account of T"ie-li-mi evidently refers to Termed, but 
the Chinese author is mistaken with respect to its position. We have to 
read north for east, and south for west. About the early history of Ter- 
med see p. 63. Termed is frequently mentioned in the Zafer nameh. 
The name is written also Termez. Timur in his expeditions from Samar- 
kand to Herat and Persia generally proceeded by way of Kesh and the 
Iron gate, and crossed the Amu River or Jihun at Termed on a bridge of 
boats (Zafer nameh, i. 8, 22, ii. 31, 43, 48, iii. 2, iv. 2, 32, &c.). In 
Timur's Autobiogr., 53, we read that Timur in 1361 took possession of 
Old Termez. De Guignes, "Huns," v. 80, states (evidently on the autho- 
rity of a Mohammedan author) that in 1407 Khalil Sultan ordered the 
city of Termed to be rebuilt at a distance of one parasang from the old 
city. Clavijo (118, 119), who travelled by the great highway leading from 
Persia to Samarkand, after crossing the great river Viadme (Oxus), arrived 
at a great city called Termit, which once belonged to India the Less, but 
was then belonging to Timur, who had conquered it, and from this place 
the empire of Samarkand began. Clavijo further reports that the bridge 
over the river at this place was only for the use of Timur, and when he 
had passed from one side to the other the people had to break it off. 


populated plain, and has the reputation of being a pleasant 

Between 1400 and 141 6 An-du-huai used to send tribute 
together witli ffa-lie (Herat), but afterwards the inter- 
course with this place was not continued.^^^^ 


Ba-da-hei-sliang is situated north-east of An-du-huai. 
The city is 10 li and more in circumference.^^^^ The 
country is vast. There are no obstacles on the route (not- 
withstanding the high mountains the traveller has to cross). 
The mountains and the rivers present beautiful scenery. 
The people are peaceable there. Many towers are seen in 
the country. The merchants from the Si yil (Central and 
"Western Asia) and those from the Si yang (Western Sea, 
i.e., Indian, Arabian ports, &c.) all come to this country to 
traffic. For this reason the people of Ba-da-hei-shang are 
very wealthy. 

1092 rpjjQ git-y Qf Andhui or Andkud still exists in Khorassan, and, as the 
Chinese author correctly observes, it lies midway between Samarkand and 
Herat. Vambery ("Gesch. Bochara's," &c., i. p. xxx.) suggests that And- 
kud may have been founded by the Mongols, the name being of Mongol 
origin, and meaning "united happiness." But the learned Professor is 
mistaken in his supposition. Although Andkud is not a very ancient city, 
the name does not appear in the early Arab geographers ; it existed, how- 
ever, in the middle of the twelfth century, long before the name of the 
Mongols became known in Western Asia. Yakut (Barbiet de Meynard, 
•'Diet. Perse," 54) mentions Endekhud, a city between Merv and Balkh, 
and notices a celebrated jurist who died in this city about the middle of 
the twelfth century. It was near Endekhod that the army of Sultan 
Shihab-eddin of Gur was destroyed by Sultan Mohammed of Khovarezm 
(d'Ohsson, i. 188). This happened towards the end of the twelfth century. 
The name of Andekud occurs frequently in the Zafer nameh, and in the 
history of Shah Rok. On modern maps the name is always written 

*"»•* According to Colonel Yule (" M. Polo," i. 164), the ancient capital of 
Badakhshan stood in the plain of Baharak, east of Faizabad, the modern 
capital This city of Badakhshan is also mentioned in the Zafer nameh, i. 
24. Timur, having defeated the princes of Badakhshan in 1368, remained 
In the city of Badakhshan, and ratified a peace there between the princes 
aud the Amir Hussein. 

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At first (i.e., when the Chinese intercourse with Badakh- 
shan began, under the Ming), the son of Sha-ha-lu (Shah 
Eok) was the chief of Ba-da-hei-shang.^^^* In 1408 the 
emperor Yung lo sent the eunuchs Pa T'ai and Li Ta 
with a letter and presents to the chief of Ba-da-hei-shang. 
These envoys had received orders to visit also the countries 
of Ha-shi-ha-rh (Kashgar) and Ko-t^e-lang^^'^^ and to recom- 
mend to the rulers of these countries the protection of the 
merchants passing through their dominions. And since 
that time the intercourse of the distant countries with 
China through Badakhshan has met with no difficulties. 

In 1414 GKen CKeng was sent to this country, and in 
1420 an embassy with tribute from Badakhshan arrived at 
Peking, together with the embassy from Ha-lie (Herat).^^^^ 
When these envoys returned to their countries, they were 
accompanied by CUen CKeng and the eunuch Kuo King. 

In 146 1 the prince (wang) of Badakhshan, by name 
Ma-ha-ma}^^'^ sent an embassy with tribute to the Chinese 

1094 During the reign of Timur, Badakhshan was ruled by its own 
princes, who acknowledged the supremacy of Timur. In 1412 the prince 
of Badakhshan revolted against Shah Rok, who sent his son Ibrahim Sul- 
tan thither, who reduced the rebel to obedience. In 141 7 Shah Rok 
entrusted his son Siurgatmish with the government of Badakhshan. 

1095 Xhotl or Khotelan, a name not found on modern maps, was applied 
in ancient times to a country on the Upper Jihun, north of Badakhshan. 
Ibn Haukal, quoted by Abulfeda, II. ii. 229, couples it with the country 
of Wakhsh, and states that Khotal is situated between the river Wakhsh- 
ab and the river Badakhshan, called also Djariab. Compare also about 
Khotelan Yule's " Cathay," ccxxxv. Khotlan is frequently mentioned in 
the Zafer nameh. At first it was ruled, like Badakhshan, by its own 
princes, but subsequently Timur annexed it to the dominions of his grand- 
son, Pir Mohammed Jehanghir, who ruled over Balkh, Kabul, Ghaznin, 

1096 iphis embassy from Badakhshan is noticed in the narrative of Shah 
Rok's embassy to China. 

"^^^ I have not been able to make out from Mohammedan sources who 
ruled in Badakhshan in 146 1. But the So-lu t'an Ma-hei-ma of Badakh- 
shan, who, according to the Chinese annals, sent an embassy in 1483 (v. 
supra, p. 273), was without doubt Sultan Mahmud, the second son of the 
unfortunate Sultan Abu Said, As Mirkhond reports, he took possession 
after the death of his father in 1469 of Hissar, Badakhshan, Kondez, 
Bakalan, &c. Sultan Mahmud died in 1494. 


court, and in the next year another envoy arrived from 
that country. His name was A-bu-du-la. The rank of 
chi hui t*ung chi, bestowed in former times upon his father, 
was now transferred to the son. 


Ha-lie, called also Hei-lu^^^ is situated 3000 li south- 
west of Samarkand, and is distant from Kia yil Jcuan (at the 
Chinese frontier) 12,000 li. It is a large kingdom in the 
Siyii. When THe-mu-rh, ih^fu ma of the Yilan (Mongol 
dynasty),^^^ ruled in Samarkand, he sent his son Sha-ha- 
lu ^^^ to occupy Ha-lie. 

During the reign of the emperor Hung wu (1368-99) 
Samarkand and Bie-shi-ba-li (Moghulistan) used to send 
tribute to the Chinese court, but owing to the great dis- 
tance no embassy from Ha-lie was seen in China at this 
period. In 1392 the emperor despatched to the ruler of 
Ha-lie an officer with a letter and presents, consisting of 
gold-embroidered silk, &c. But this officer did not reach 

In 1395 the envoys An and Kuo Ki (see p. 144) were 
sent to the countries of the west. This embassy was 
escorted by 1500 (Chinese) soldiers. T*ie-mu-rh retained 
it in Samarkand. In 1 397 the emperor despatched another 
embassy thither, at the head of which he placed Ghen Te 

1088 Herat, ancient Aria, in the Middle Ages was generally known under 
the names of Hari or Heri. See vol. i. note 684. 

'"•" Allied by marriage with the house of Chinghiz Khan. See note 

"*> Shah Role, the fourth son of Timur, was born in 1377. In 1397 his 
father gave him during his life the propriety of the kingdom of Khorassan, 
and Shah Rok established his residence at Herat (Zafer nameh, iii. 67). 
After Timur's death in 1405, he mounted as independent sovereign the 
throne of Herat. Shah Rok died in 1447 at Rei. 

***^ At the beginning of Timur's career Herat was ruled by princes of 
the Kurt dynasty. In 1381 Timur took Herat from Pir Ali, the last ruler 
of thi« dynasty, and constituted his son, Mirza Miran Shah, governor of 
Herat and KhorMsan. But this prince was only for a short time there 
(Zafer nameh, ii, 31-33). In 1397 Shah Rok was ruler of Herat. 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



wen, the chief inquisitor of Pei p'ing (Peking). But this 
embassy also did not return. 

When Yung lo had ascended the throne (in 1403), he 
sent an officer with a letter and presents to the king of 
Ha-lie. But the latter did not send any embassy to China. 

In 1407 the embassies headed by An and by Chen Te 
wen returned. The latter, a man from Pao ch'ang hien 
(Kuang tung province), reported that the king of Ha-lie 
had sent tribute to China, but that owing to the great dis- 
tance this embassy had not reached the court. Chen Te 
wen had gathered on his w^ay some information about the 
customs of the countries seen by him, and presented his 
notices in the form of a poem to the emperor, who was 
much delighted, and promoted him in rank. 

In 1408 An was again entrusted with a mission to the 
west. He bore a letter and presents for Sha-Jia-lu Ba~ 
du-rh (Shah Eok Bahadur), ruler of Ra-lie ; ^^^^ and when 
An returned he was accompanied by an envoy of Sha- 
ha-lu, carrying with him tribute. (The Ming Geography 
calls this envoy the chieftain Mo-lai.) They arrived at 
the Chinese capital in 1409, where the embassy was well 
received. In 1410 another envoy from Ha-lie arrived. 

1102 -y^Q f^J^^ ample corroboration for the Chinese records regarding the 
political intercourse between China and Herat in the fifteenth century in 
the life of Shah Rok, as recorded by Abder-razzak (see p. 153). These 
details were translated more than a century ago by Chambers, and are 
found also in Quatremere's translation of the same author in the "Not. 
et Extr.," XIV. i. (1843). My quotations in the subsequent pages refer 
to W. Chambers' article, ' ' An Account of Embassies and Letters that 
passed between the Emperor of China and Sultan Shah Rokh, son of 
Amir Timur," the "Asiatic Miscellany," i. 1785, Calcutta, p. 71 seq. 
Abder-rezzak records : — 

When the Khakan {i.e., Shah Rok) returned from his expedition to 
Seistan (he returned on the 17th January 1409), ambassadors who had been 
sent by the Emperor of China to condole with him on the death of his 
father arrived with a variety of presents, and represented what they had 
to say on the part of their monarch. The Khakan, after showing them 
many favours and civilities, dismissed them. This seems to refer to the 
mission of An, which departed from China in 1408. In the article 
Samarkand, however (see p. 262), it is stated that Bo-a-rh-hin t'ai was 
sent to offer sacrifices in memory of Timur. 


Ska-ha-lu was on bad terms with JIa-li, the son of his 
elder brother, Timur's successor. They attacked each 
other.^^^3 Therefore, when the envoy of Ha-lie returned 
home, the emperor sent the tu chi hui Bo-a-rh-hin fai 
(repeatedly mentioned in connection with missions to 
the west) to Sha-ha-lu with a letter of the following 
tenor : — 

"Heaven has created men and appointed rulers to 
govern them. They (i.e., the ruler and the people) have 
mutual duties. I am ruling now over China, and look 
upon all nations with benevolence. I make no difference 
between near and far countries. I have sent several times 
envoys to you, and accordingly you have done your duty 
in sending me your tribute. Your people in the west 
enjoyed peace and were happy. I was also much satisfied 
by your zeal. But subsequently I was informed that you 
are living in discord with your nephew ffa-li (Khalil 
Sultan), and make mutually war one on another. (Do not 
forget that) only when living in harmony relatives are 
able to stand up against outward enemies. When near 
relatives thus quarrel, how shall the distant relatives live 
in harmony with you ? You must cease to make war, 
render peace to the people, and maintain the kindred 
bonds. Then you will enjoy the happiness of peace." ^^^* 

The emperor wrote a letter of the same tenor to ffa-li 

^^^ Indeed Shah Rok marched out twice, in 1405 and 1406, from Herat 
against Mirza Khalil Sultan, who after the death of Timur had usurped 
the throne of Samarkand, but they made peace before their armies had 
encountered each other. Khalil Sultan was dethroned in 1409. See note 

"•* Tliis letter, addressed by the Chinese emperor to Shah Rok, which 
I have translated from the Ming shi, presents a peculiar interest, the 
original of it having been translated nearly five hundred years ago into 
Persian, \\hi<h translation has been preserved in Abder-razzak's Matla- 
aMaadciri. 'I'his Pcisiaii version, turned into English by Chambers {l. c), 
proves tli.ii tli(- M vr.s only an abstract of this letter. We read 

in the al.<jv<' niont ;■ i j : ian historical record : — 

In 1412 (A.D.) ambassadors from Day Ming Khan* emperor of Chin 

* Ta Ming, in Chlneae tho Great Ming (dynasty). 

1 6 CENT.] HERAT. 281 

^^H (Khalil), exhorting him to cease quarrelling with his 

J^f uncle. 

Bo-a-rh-hin-fai visited (besides Herat) Sa-ma-rh-han, 
SM-la-sz (Shiraz), An-di-gan (Andekan in Ferghana), An- 
du-hici (Andkhui), T^u-lu-fan (Turf an), Huo choto, Liu- 
clieng, Ha-shi-ha-rli (Kashgar), and exhorted the rulers of 
these countries to send tribute. They were all much de- 
lighted, and they all dispatched embassies, which arrived 

and Machin (Southern China) * and all those countries, arrived at Herat. 
(Detailed description of the festivities and solemnity ordered by Shah 
Rok on this occasion.) His Majesty, with a splendour like the sun, 
ascended his throne and bestowed upon the chief of his lords and on the 
ambassadors the happiness of kissing his hand. The latter, after offering 
him their presents, delivered their message. The letter they brought 
from the Emperor of China was as follows : — 

"The Great Emperor Bay Ming sends this letter to the country of 
Samarkand to Shah Rokh Bahadur. 

" As we consider that the Most High God has created all things that are 
in heaven and on earth, to the end that all his creatures may be happy, 
and that it is in consequence of his sovereign decree that we are become 
Lord of the face of the earth,t we therefore endeavour to exercise rule in 
obedience to his commands ; and for this reason we make no partial dis- 
tinction between those that are near and those that are far off, but regard 
them all with an eye of equal benevolence. 

" We have heard, before this, that thou art a wise and an excellent man, 
highly distinguished above others ; that thou art obedient to the com- 
mand of the Most High God ; that thou art a father to thy people and thy 
troops, and art good and beneficent towards all ; which has given us much 
satisfaction. But it was with singular pleasure we observed that when 
we sent an ambassador with kimkhas and torkos J and a dress, thou didst 
pay all due honour to our command, and didst make a proper display of 
the favour thou hadst received, insomuch that small and great rejoiced 
at it. Thou didst also forthwith dispatch an ambassador to do us homage, 
and to present us the rarities, horses, and choice manufactures of that 
country. So that with the strictest regard to the truth, we can declare 
that we have deemed thee worthy of praise and of distinction. 

" The government of the Moghuls was some time ago extinct, but thy 
father, Timur-fuma (see note 1059), was obedient to the commands of the 

* Comp. Ynle'a "Cathay," cxix. Machin confounded with Manzi, Southern 
China. The Persian author uses Chin and Khatai indiscriminately to designate 

t The Chinese original has T^ien hia, beneath the sky. Thus the Chinese call the 
world ruled by the Son of Heaven. This term has been erroneously translated by 
"Celestial Empire." 

X Chambers observes that kimkhas seems to be the kinkob of the English in India, 
a stuff compoat;d of silk and cotton with flowers of gold. See Yule-Burnell, " Glos- 
sary," ». v. •' Kincob." Torgo = Ba.tiu. 


at the Chinese court together with the embassy from Ra- 
lie (Herat). The latter carried a lion,^^^^ a leopard, and 
western horses for the emperor, who received the ambassa- 
dors in audience in his palace. The ambassadors of Herat 
occupied the first place. When they returned, Li Ta, 

Most High God and did homage to our great Emperor Tay zuy* nor did 
he omit to send ambassadors with presents. He (the Emperor) for this 
reason granted protection to the men of that country and enriched them 
all. We have now seen that thou art a worthy follower of thy father in 
his noble spirit and in his measures. We have therefore sent Duji-chun- 
hay-azkasay and Harara Suchu and Danching Sadasun Kunchi t with con- 
gratulations and a dress and kimJchas and torgos. We shall hereafter send 
persons whose office it will be to go and return successively, in order to 
keep open a free communication, that merchants may trafi&c and carry on 
their business to their wish. 

'^ Khalil Sultan is thy brother's son ; it is necessary that thou treat 
him with kindness, in consideration of his rights as being the son of so 
near a relation. We trust that thou wilt pay attention to our sincerity 
and to our advice in these matters. This is what we make known to 
thee ! " 

Another letter, Abder-razzak adds, was sent with the presents, and 
contained a particular account of them, besides one calculated to serve as 
a pass, which was to remain with the ambassadors. Each was wi'itten in 
the Persian language and character, as well as in the Turkish language 
with the Moghul character, and likewise in the language and character of 

His Majesty attended to the letter, and apprehended its meaning with 
his usual penetration ; and when he had understood the objects of the 
embassy, he gave his assent to them all, and then gave orders that the 
Lords should entertain the ambassadors. 

After the affairs of the Chinese ambassadors were settled, they had an 
audience of leave and set out on their return. Sheikh Mohammed Bahshy 
accompanied them as envoy on the part of His Majesty, and as the 
emperor of China had not yet assented to the Mussulman faith, nor regu- 
lated his conduct by the law of the Koran, His Majesty, from motives of 
friendship, sent him a letter of good advice in Arabic and Persian, con- 
ceiving that perhaps the Emperor might be prevailed upon to embrace 
the faith. (These letters have also been translated by Chambers, but they 
are of little interest.) 

^^^ About the lions and other beasts brought by the Mohammedan 
merchants and envoys to China, see note 1075. In the narrative of Shah 
Rok'a embassy a lion is also noticed among the presents carried along for 
the Chinese emperor. 

• T'ai t$y, great ancestor, is the Chlnoso dynastic name given to the first emperor 
of a dynaaty. Here it refers to Hung vru, 1368-99. 
t 1 tad uo oonroboratiuu for those uamos. 


15 & 16 CENT.] HERAT. 283 

CJien Clieng (v. p. 147), Zi Sien of the Board of Eevenues, 
and the chi hui Kin-ha-lan-po accompanied them, and 
bore letters for the respective rulers. 

In 141 5 the Chinese envoys returned, and Ha-lie and 
the other kingdoms all sent again tribute, and once more 
in 141 6. In the same year GKen CJieng v^^sis again ordered 
to accompany the embassy back to Ha-lie, and orders had 
been given also that they should be well entertained in 
all the (Chinese) cities they had to pass th rough. ^^^^ Ch'en 
Ch*eng came back in 141 7 in the company of an envoy 
from Herat. In 141 8 again an embassy from this king- 
dom arrived, and Li Ta was ordered to accompany it 

^^"^ Abder-razzak, I. c. : Day Ming Khan, Emperor of China, having 
again sent ambassadors to His Majesty (Shah Eok), they arrived in 
May 14 1 7 at Herat. The chiefs of them were Bihachin, Tubachin, and 
Jatbachin (Quatremere reads : Matchin, Toumatchin, Djatmatchin), who 
came attended by three hundred horse, and brought with them an abun- 
dance of rarities and presents, such as shonJcars (gerfalcons), damasks, 
khimJca stuffs, vessels of China ware. They brought also royal presents 
for each of the princes and the agas. With them came a letter, the con- 
tents of which consisted generally of an enumeration of past favours and 
civilities, and of expressions of confidence in the future continuance of His 
Majesty's friendship. The points more particularly insisted on were, that 
both parties should strive to remove all constraint arising from distance of 
place and a diversity of manners, and to open wide the doors of agreement 
and union, that the subjects and merchants of both kingdoms might enjoy 
a free and unrestrained intercourse with each other, and the roads to be 
kept open and unmolested. Moreover, as, on occasion of the first embassy 
to China, the Amir Scid Ahmed Tarkhan had sent the Emperor a white 
horse, that animal had, it seems, proved particularly agreeable to him, and 
he now sent that lord a number of things in return, together with a 
picture of the horse drawn by a Chinese painter, with a groom on each 
side holding his bridle. The ambassadors were handsomely entertained, 
and at length, as on former occasions, received their dismission, when the 
Khakan (Shah Rok) sent Ardashir Tavasky back with them to China. 

""'^ Abder-razzak reports s. a. 822 h. (1419) : Ardashir, who had been 
sent to China, returned from there, and gave His Majesty an account of 
that country and of the approach of a new embassy. In October 1419 
the Chinese ambassadors Bimachin and Janmachin arrived at Herat, and 
presented to Shah Rok the presents and rarities they had brought, and a 
letter from the emperor of China, a copy of which is here subjoined, 
written in their manner, which is this, they write the name of the monarcli 
on the first line, and begin the other at some distance below, and when in 


In 1420 an embassy from Ha-lie arrived at the Chinese 
capital,^^^^ together with the envoys of Yil-fien (Khotan) 

the course of the letter they come to the name of God, they leave off and 
begin a new line with that, and they follow the same method in writing 
the name of a sovereign prince.* The letter of the Emperor of China 
reads as follows : — 

"The great Emperor of Day Ming sends this letter to Sultan Shah 
Rokh. "We conceive that the Most High has made you knowing, and 
wise, and perfect, that the kingdom of the Islamites may be well governed, 
and it is owing to this that the men of that kingdom are become pros- 
perous. Your Majesty is of an enlightened mind, skilful, accomplished, 
and judicious, and superior to all the Islamites. You honour the com- 
mands of the Most High, and you reverence the things that relate to him, 
which is the way to enjoy his protection. 

" We on a former occasion sent Amir Seyray Lida t with others as our 
ambassadors, who arrived at Your Majesty's court, and you were pleased 
to receive them with much honour and ceremony, which Lida and the 
rest represented to us. Your ambassadors. Beg Buka and the others, also 
arrived here with Lida and the rest on their return, and delivered at this 
court all the presents of onces, lynxes, and Arabian horses; and other 
things which you sent us. "We viewed them all. You have on this occa- 
sion displayed the sincerity of your affection, and we are exceedingly 
sensible of your kindness. The western country which is the seat of 
Islamism has from old time been famous for producing wise and good 
men, but it is probable that none have been superior to Your Majesty. 
"Well may we afford protection and encouragement to the men of that 
country, for we deem it consonant to the will of Heaven that we should 
do so. Indeed, how should not the Most High be well pleased with those 
men who practise mutual affection, where one heart reflects the sentiments 
of another, as mirror opposed to mirror, and that though at a distance ! 
In the eye of friendship, generosity and civility are precious above all 
things, but even in these also there is something more particularly so- 
"We now send Uchang-hu and others, in company with your ambassadors 
Beg Buka and the rest, who will deliver to Your Majesty our presents, con- 
sisting of seven shonkars (gerfalcons), each of which we have flown with 
our own hands, and kimkhas, &c. The shonkars are not produced in this 
our Empire of China ; they are constantly brought us as rarities from the 
sea-coast, so that we have plenty of them, but in that country of yours it 
seems they are scarce. J We have sent you choice ones, such as 
deemed wortliy the great soul of Your Majesty. In themselves, to be 
sure, they are of little value, but as they are tokens of our affection, we 

• ThU etiquette is stUl obBerved in official letters in China. 

t The ambassador Li Ta, often mentioned in the Chinese records. 

t The Pen ts'ao kang niu, chap, xlix., sub Ying, states that the gerfalcons are 
brought from a country in the noi tli niluated on tlie Sea of Mancliuria, which is in 
accordance with what M. Polo (i. 262) sfcites about tlio native country of the pere- 
grine falcons of Tarlary. I may however observe, that the gerfalcons of Eastern 
Asia are not the same an those used in the Wcbt. The former are much larger in size. 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



and Ba-da-hei-shen (Badakhshan), and in 1422 Ha-lie 
sent another envoy, who arrived together with the envoy 
of Yu-fien. 

The emperors Jen tsung (1425-26) and Suan tsung 
(1426-36) generally did not pay much attention to dis- 
tant countries and were not in the habit of sending envoys 
abroad, on which account embassies from those countries 

trust they will be acceptable to Your Majesty. Henceforth it is requisite 
that the sincerity of our friendship be increased, and that ambassadors and 
merchants be always passing and repassing between us without inter- 
ruption, to the end that our subjects may all live in plenty, ease, and 
security. We may then assuredly hope that the Most High will make us 
experience more of his goodness and mercy. 

" This is what we have thought proper to write to you." 
Each time that letters from the Emperor of China were thus brought 
to His Majesty there were three, and each was written in three different 
sorts of character : that is to say, first in the vulgar character, in which 
we now write, and in the Persian language ; secondly, in the Moghul 
character, which is that of the Yegurs (Uighurs), and in the Turkish lan- 
guage ; and thirdly, in the Chinese character and language. But the 
purport was exactly the same in all. There was another letter which con- 
tained a particular account of the things sent, whether living creatures or 
other rarities, and was written in like manner in three languages and 
characters. And there was likewise a letter to answer the purpose of a 
pass. The dates of months and years inserted in each were those of the 
Emperor's reign. 

The above English translation from Abder-razzak's Matla-assaadein by 
Chambers has been copied from the "Asiatic Miscellany." Quatremere, 
who translates the same work, gives some additional information about 
the same Chinese embassy {I. c. p. 305). 

On the last day of the month of Redjeb 822 (August 22, 14 19), the 
ambassadors of Khata, accompanied by Ardeshir, arrived at Samarkand, 
and offered magnificent presents to Mirza Ulug Beg, who entertained them 
handsomely, and then they departed for Khorassan. In the same year, 
in October, the ambassadors of Khata, on their way home, visited again 
Mirza Ulug Beg in Samarkand. 

On the 9th of September 1420 Abuka (it seems the Beg Buka noticed in 
the emperor's letter) and Pulad Tiniur arrived from China with a great 
train and were well received. 

1108 fpjjjg ^yg^^ ^i^Q famous embassy of Shak Rok to the Chinese emperor, 
a detailed narrative of which has been preserved in the Matla-assaadein {v. 
supra, p. 153). This embassy left Herat on December 5, 1419, arrived at 
Samarkand, February 6, 1420, where they were joined by the ambassadors 
from Badakhshan and others. They reached Peking, December 14, 1420, 
and stayed there till May 142 1, when they set out for their homeward 
journey. They reached Herat, September 2, 1422. 


were seldom seen in China during their reigns. However 
in 1427 one of the chieftains of Ha-lie, by name Ba-la- 
han I-bu-la (Tarkhan Ibrahim ?), presented horses as 
tribute, and in 1432 the emperor despatched the eunuch 
Zi Kui to the countries of the West, and entrusted him 
also with a mission to Sha-ha-lu (Shah Eok), to whom he 
had written the following letter : — 

" In times past, after my ancestor T'ai tsung wen huang 
ti (Yung lo 1403-25) had mounted the throne, you and 
the rulers of other countries used to send embassies with 
tribute to the Chinese court. Having respectfully accepted 
the throne from Heaven, I now rule over the ten thou- 
sand kingdoms. For my reign I have adopted the name 
Silan te, and taking an example of the glorious reign of 
my ancestor, I look upon the people indiscriminately with 
benevolence. Previously I sent you a letter and presents, 
but owing to some hindrances on the way, my envoy did 
not reach you. Now, as the communication has been re- 
established, I send you my adjutant with a letter, in which 
I express you my thoughts, and invite you to sustain 
amicable intercourse with us, that we may constitute one 
family. May the tradesmen of our countries travel and 
traffic as they like. Will that not be an excellent thing ? " 

Li Kui had not yet reached Ha-lie, when an envoy 
from that country by name Fa-hu-rh-ding (Fakhr-eddin) 
arrived at the Chinese capital, where he died in the official 
lodging-place. He was buried by imperial order with the 
marks of honour due to his position. 

Another embassy from Ha-lie, bringing with him camels, 
horses, jade, &c., accompanied Li Kui when he returned 
to China, and when this embassy went home, in the next 
year in the spring, Li Kui accompanied it again to bestow 
presents on the king of Ha-lie and some of his chieftains. 
They reached Ha-lie in the autumn of the same year. 

Under the year 1438 again an embassy from Ha-lie to 
the Chinese court is recorded. (The Ming Geography 
calls the head of this mission chi hui Ha-dji.) 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



As Ying tsung (1436-50) was tinder age when he was 
placed on the throne, and as the ministers neglected the 
intercourse with the foreigners, tribute-bearers arrived 
only in small number. In 1457, when Ying tsung had 
ascended the throne for the second time (he was kept 
prisoner by the Mongols for nearly two years, see p. 166), 
he decided to re-establish the former intercourse with the 
Si yil, and in 1463 sent a number of military of&cers with 
letters and presents for the foreign rulers of the various 
countries. The tu chi hui Hai Yung and the chi hui 
Ma Ts'^uan were despatched to Ha-lie, but this country 
sent no more embassies to China.^^^^ 

The accounts which now follow, on the customs, pro- 
ductions, &c., of Herat, are drawn for the greater part 
from the repeatedly quoted narrative Shi Si yil ki (see p. 
147), of which the Ming Geography gives some extracts. 

Ha-lie is one of the most powerful kingdoms of the Si yil. 
The city in which the great king [ta wang) resides is ten 
li in circumference. The houses there are built of stones 
and resemble a high level terrace. ^^^^ The interior, com- 
prising several tens of hien}'^^^ is empty .^^^^ The doors 
and the windows show beautifully carved work adorned 
with gold and precious stones. They spread over the 
floor carpets, which they sit on cross-legged. 

They call their sovereign so-lu-tan (Sultan), which in 
their language means kiln cJiang (supreme ruler). The 
men shave their heads and wrap them about with a 
piece of white cloth. The women cover their heads with 
white cloth and leave only apertures for the eyes. The 

'^"^ At the time here spoken of, Sultan Abu Said of Samarkand ruled 
also over Herat and Khorassan. He had taken possession of Herat in 

1^^** The houses in Persia have all flat horizontal roofs. 

^^" Kien means a division of a room made by the framework. It may- 
taken also as a unit for measuring rooms. 

^^^2 ^s is known, no furniture is found in Persian houses. The Persians 

t and sleep on their carpets spread over the floor. 


white colour is considered the colour of joy, whilst black 
is the mourning colour.^"^ Superiors and inferiors when 
speaking one to another simply address each other by 
their names. When they meet they bow slightly the 
body and bow three times the knee. At their meals they 
do not use spoons or chopsticks. They have porcelain 
vessels. Wine is made there of grapes. In trade they 
use three kinds of silver coins, large and small ones. It 
is not forbidden to cast coins privately, only it is requisite 
to pay the king a certain tax, whereupon the coins are 
stamped with the seal of the king. Coins without this 
stamp are not allowed.^^^* They do not barter. The 
taxes are two from ten. Measures (of liquids and corn) are 
unknown there. Everything is sold by weight.^^^^ They 
have no (separate) government offices, but there is a 
(general) ofifice called dao-wan}^'^^ They have also no 
capital punishment. Manslaughter or murder is punished 
by a mulct. ^^^^ According to their customs two sisters 
are allowed to be the wives of the same husband. (Not 
allowed in China.) 

The term for mourning is a hundred days. When 
burying the dead, they do not put the body in a coffin, 
but wrap it only up with a cloth.^^^^ They offer sacrifices 
on the grave. They neither sacrifice to their ancestors 
nor to good or evil spirits. They pray frequently to 

The cycle (of Chinese chronology) is unknown there. 
But they have a cycle of seven days. The first day is 

"'' In China white is the mourning colour. 

*"* A. Conolly, who in 1833 spent a considerable time in Herat, states 
that the taxes levied on coinage are considerable, and that besides this, 
excise is levied on goods of every description brought to the city. Every 
article, even meat, is provided with the Shah's stamp (Ritter, viii. 255). 

"^' Even now-a-days a rule adopted all over Persia. 

"*• Evidently the divan or Council of State is meant. 

*"' Even in our days a murderer in Persia is allowed to ransom him- 
Belf from capital punishment ; for the latter there is only an act of ven- 

"*• This Ib still a rule in Persia. 

15 & 1 6 CENT.] 



called a-Vi-na}'^^^ on which the people assemble and pray 
to Heaven. The other (six) days they attend to their 
business. They fast twice a year, in the second and 
the tenth month, and then they eat only at night-time.^^^*^ 

In the middle of the city (of Herat) there is a great 
building erected of clay. This is a college, called mo-de- 
rh-sai'^^^^ in the language of the country. In it a large 
copper vessel has been placed, which is several fathoms in 
circumference, with letters engraved on it. It resembles 
in shape the ancient (Chinese) vessels called ting (a large 
tripod vessel). 

[This passage about the vessel is only found in the 
Ming shi.] 

In the Shi Si ytl ki, from which the Ming Geography 
draws, we read that in the middle of the college there is a 
great house in which the yic Mo (lit. travelling scholars, 
students) live. It is provided with rooms on all four 
sides and a gallery runs all around. The literary men are 
^wont to repair to this college as the Chinese scholars to 
;he ta hio (university).^^^^ 

The people in Ha-lie live very luxuriously. There are 

^^^^ Adhineh, meaning properly "festival," is the Arabic name for 
Friday, which, as is known, with the Mussulmans answers to our Sunday 
(Bibl. Orient.). 

1120 "With respect to Mussulman fasts, compare notes 187 and 232, and 
Chardin, "Yoy. en Perse," vii. 132 seq. Besides the great fast in the 
month of Raraazan, the Persians observe the fast of devotion on the lotli 
of Moharrem. 

"21 Medresseh, a high school or college in Persian. 

^^-^ Herat has always been considered as being one of the centres of 
Mohammedan learning. It is the native place of many celebrated scholars. 
As to the large vessel seen by the Chinese reporter, I may notice that 
Mohun Lai, the companion of A. Burnes, who in 1833 spent seven months 
in Herat, mentions a similar ancient vessel there. We read in his report 
(Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, iii. 17) : At the east end of the city is the Great 
[osque, erected by Sultan Ghiassuddin, the old king of Gur, 700 years 
;o. In the square of this mosque is a small cistern of water for ablution 
and a large heavy vessel of tin made by Sultan Ghiassuddin. The circum- 
ference of it is twenty spans, and the thickness of the edge is one. There 
are inscriptions written on the borders of the vessel, dated also, 700 
years ago. 

VOL. n. T 


foot-runners who run 300 li in one day. The country is 
very fertile ; the climate is hot. Eain is scarce. The fol- 
lowing productions are found there : — 

White salt, copper, iron, gold, silver, glass, corals, 
amber, pearls. The people rear plenty of silkworms and 
manufacture silk stuffs. 

So-fu is the name of a stuff made of bird's down and 
resembles silk (see note 1060). 

ffua t'an (variegated carpets). They are very fine, and 
never change their colour. 

Among trees they have mulberry trees, elms, willows, 
acacias, firs, cypresses. 

As to fruits, they cultivate peaches, apricots, plums, 
pears, pomegranates, grapes and the la-dan king (hadan, 
apricot) .^^-^ 

The cereals and vegetables of Ha-lie are millet, wheat, 
hemp, beans, &c. Eape of enormous size, weighing ten 
kin, is found there. 

The domestic animals are horses, cattle, sheep, dogs, 
fowls. There are also lions and panthers. 

The kingdom of Ha-lie borders to the east upon An-du- 
huai (Andhui) and £a-la-hei}^^^ Both are subject to it. 


This country sent tribute in the reign of Yung-lo 
(1403-25). The envoys offered skins of beasts, bird's 
feathers, carpets, woollen stuffs. 

The people there are fond of hunting and do not till the 
ground. K'i-li-ma-rh borders to the south-west on the 
sea ; to the north-east are dense forests, giving shelter to 
many ferocious beasts and poisonous insects. There are 
in the city streets, but no market-places. The people use 
iron coins.^^2^ 

*^^ Dadani is the Persian name for almond. See note 26. 
1 -t ln'-f*fi<l of Jia-la-hci (Balkh), as the name is written in the Ming 
\ , 111 Ming shi has Ba-da-hei-shang (Badakhshan). 
i wihajib Air/zutn is meant. This city is famed for its carpets and 

15 & l6 CENT.] 




This country is situated near An-di-gan}'^'^^ In 141 6 
the emperor Yung-lo sent an embassy to An-du-huai and 
Sa-ma-rh-han, and the envoy proceeded also to I-sz' -fu-han, 
iDestowing presents upon the ruler.^^27 In 14 19 this country, 
together with the adjacent kingdom Shi-la-sz (Shiraz), sent 
tribute, and presented to the emperor a lion, a leopard, and 
western horses.^^-^ The envoys were rewarded, and when 
they went home the Chinese envoy Lu An accompanied 
them. There was a man (of the embassy) by name 
Ma-ha-mu (Mahmud) who begged to be left in Peking. 
The emperor consented. In 143 1 Isfahan sent an envoy, 
by name Mi-rh-ali, to China. 

In 1483 I-sz'-fu-han sent tribute together with Sa-ma-rh- 
han, and presented a lion, fine horses, swords, tou-lo,'^'^^^ so-fu 
(see note 1060). The envoys were richly rewarded. 

woollen stuffs. However, there are in the Chinese account some state- 
ments which do not agree with Kirman. I am not aware that in any- 
country of the world iron coins should be used. 

1126 -pj^jg jg a geographical error of the Ming historians. Andekan, as 
we have seen, is situated in Ferghana. 

^^-^ In 1403 Timur conferred the government of Isfahan on Mirza 
Rustem, son of Mirza Omar Sheikh, Timur's second son. In 1408 he was 
expelled from Isfahan by his brother Pir Mohammed of Fars, and after 
the death of the latter his brother Mirza Eskender took possession of 
Isfahan. In 1414 Shah Rok re-installed M. Rustem in Isfahan, and the 
latter held it to the day of his death in 1445. After Sultan Abu Said of 
Samarkand and Herat had been put to death by Uzzan Hassan, the founder 
of the Turkoman dynasty of the White Sheep, in 1469, the latter became 
sovereign of a great part of the dominions of the house of Timur. He 
made himself master of Irak (Isfahan) and Fars (Shiraz). But in the 
[Tery beginning of the sixteenth century, Ismaol I. Sofy, the founder of a 
lew Persian dynasty, defeated the Turkomans and established his authority 
)ver the whole of Persia. 

1128 rj^Y^Q embassy of Shah Rok to the Chinese emperor on its homeward 
journey met the envoys from Shiraz and Isfahan near the Chinese frontier 
in August 1 42 1. 

^^-^ This seems to be a fabric of cotton. The Ming Geography notices 
it among the productions of Bang-go-la (Bengal). Groeneveldt, "Malay 
Archipelago," Appendix, states that to-lo, now-a-days to-lo-ni, means 
broad cloth. 



Shi-la-sz' lies near Sa-ma-rh-han}^^^ In 141 3 an envoy 
from this country arrived at the Chinese capital, together 
with the embassies from Ha-lie (Herat), An-di-gan, and 
Ha-shi-ha-rh (Kashgar), and others, altogether eight king- 
doms. These embassies followed Bo-a-rh-hin-fai (a Chinese 
envoy who was returning from the western countries), pre- 
sented their tribute, and when they went home they were 
accompanied by (the repeatedly mentioned Chinese envoys) 
Li Ta and CUen CKeng, who carried presents for the respec- 
tive rulers. 

In 141 5 the chief of Shi-la-sz\ by name I-hu-la-gJdn,^^^^ 
sent an embassy, which arrived at the capital together 
with the afore-mentioned Chinese envoys. At the time 
they had reached China, the emperor was in the north 
(at war with the Mongols). When in the next year, in 
the summer, the envoy from Shi-la-sz' returned home, 
Ch^en CJieng and Lu An went along with him to bestow 
presents upon I-bu-la-ghin, and to hand over an imperial 
letter to him. 

In 1419 Shi-la-sz , together with I-sz-fu-han, sent embas- 
sies to the Chinese court. They presented to the emperor 

'^ There can be no doubt that by Shi-la-sz', Shiraz, the capital of Fars, 
is meant It is therefore strange that in the above record Shiraz is located 
near Samarkand. I may, however, observe that there was a little town 
Shiraz, with a castle, at a distance of four farsangs from Samarkand. This 
place is once mentioned in the Zafer nameh (vL 45), and several times in 
the Matla-assaadein. 

^"^ The dynasty of the Mozafferids reigned in Fars (Shiraz) when Timur 
invaded Persia in 1387 and 1392. After the destruction of this dynasty, 
Timur, in 1393, conferred the government of Fars on his son Mirza Omar 
Sheikh, and after the death of this prince in 1394 on Omar's son, Pir 
Mohammed. The latter was assassinated in 1410, and his brother, M. 
Eskender, obtained the government of Fars. This prince revolted against 
Shah Rok, was defeated, and Shah Rok in 1414 appointed his second son, 
Mirza Ibrahim Sultan, to the government of Fars. Ibrahim, who had his 
retiideuce at Shiraz, died there in 1435. I" H52 Sultan Baber of Herat 
took iKJssession for a short time of Shiraz. He was expelled from there by 
the Turkomans. In the beginning of the sixteenth century Ismael I. Sofy 
conquered Fars. 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



a lion, a leopard, and fine horses. When they returned 
they were accompanied by Lu An, who carried rich pre- 
sents for the respective rulers, namely, fine silk stuffs, 
girdles, porcelain vessels. At that time China was waging 
war in the north (with the Mongols), and was therefore in 
want of horses. Accordingly Shi-la-sz', Samarkand, and 
the other countries were induced to send horses as tribute. 

In 1423, in the eighth month, the envoy from Shi-la-sz' 
had an audience of the emperor at his travelling palace 
at Silan hua fu}'^^^ He was kindly received and richly 
rewarded, and then proceeded to Peking. A number of 
his followers remained (or were retained) in China. It 
was not till after Jen tsung's accession to the throne 
(1425) that they went home. 

In 1427 Shi-la-sz' sent camels, horses, and products of 
the country as tribute. The envoy, named A-li, who pre- 
sented the tribute, received rich presents, and the rank of 
tu chi hui was conferred on him. 

After this for a long time no embassy from Shi-la-sz' 
was seen in China, when in 1483 again an envoy from 
that country arrived, in the company of other embassies 
from Hei-lou (see p. 272), Sa-ma-rh-han, and Ba-dan-sha 
(Badakhshan), and I-sz -fu-lian. 

In 1492, when Shan-ha, who had been elected prince of 
Hami (see p. 182), was about to marry a wife from the 
neighbouring tribe Ye-mie-Jco-li (see note 941), the ruler 
of Shi-la-sz', taking into consideration that they were poor, 
united with his neighbour the ruler of I-bu-la-yin, and 
both sent to the Chinese court envoys, namely, the coun- 
cillor So-ho-hu-dai and the director Man-Jco, to solicit a 
wedding-gift for Shan-ba. The emperor took their inter- 
cession kindly, and made rich presents to Shan-ba, and 
also to the mediators and their envoys.^^^^ 

1132 l^orth-west of Peking;, on the road to Mongolia and Siberia. The 
ruins of an imperial palace can still be seen at Siian hua fu. 

1133 Tj^-g statement is very obscure. Farther on in the Ming shi, I-hu- 
la-yin appears once more as the name of a country. 


In 1524, Shi-la-sz\ together with thirty-two adjacent 
tribes (cities), sent horses and other products of their coun- 
tries as tribute to China.^^^* 

After this no embassy from Shi-la-sz' was seen in China. 


This is a small country, which extends hardly 100 li. 
The city is situated in the neighbourhood of mountains. 
At the foot of the mountain there is a red-coloured water 
(river), which has the appearance of fire. The people 
show reverence to Buddha. The wives rule the houses. 
The country produces camels, horses, cattle, sheep. The 
people manufacture woollen cloths, and cultivate millet 
and wheat. Eice is not produced there. 

In 143 1 T'ao-lai-sz' sent tribute to the court. In the 
next year the emperor despatched the eunuch Zi Kui to 
that country with a letter and presents (for the ruler); 
but as T*ao-lai-sz' is a small realm, it was not able to send 
tribute again. ^^^^ 

TIEN FANG (ARABIA, especially MECCA). 
The ancient name of this country was Yitn chung (see 
farther on). It is also termed THen fang (Heavenly 

"'* At the time here spoken of the Sofyan dynasty ruled over Persia. 
See note 1131. Shah Ismael I. died in 1524. 

1135 ^y identification of Tao-lai-sz (see also p. 144) with Tauriz or 
Tabriz^ the capital of Azerbeidjan, would properly not be admissible from 
the scanty and somewhat contradictory accounts given in the Ming shi 
about this place. But the Chinese sounds T'ao-lai-sz' represent exactly 
Tauris. The above phrase, that the people show reverence to Buddha, 
appears several times in the Ming shi, referring to Mohammedan countries 
of Western Asia. Hirth, in his " China and the Roman Orient," p. 284, 
quotes a Chinese cyclopaedia in which the Koran is called Fo king, or 
Buddha's Canon. 

Clavijo, wlio visited Tabriz in 1404, states (87) that the city is in a plain 
between two high ranges of hills, and the liills on the left hand are very 
near tlie city and very hot, and the water which descends from them is not 

In 1404 Timur appointed his son, M. Miran Shah, to the government of 
Axerbeidjan, but some years after tlie death of the conqueror this province 
wan takeu possession of by the Turkomans. 

i5&i6cENT.] ARABIA (MECCA). 295 

hall) and Mo-lda (Mecca). From Hu-lu-mu-sz' (Hormuz, 
see p. 132) it can be reached by sea in forty days. Navi- 
gating from Ku-li (Calicut) in a south-westerly (mistake 
for north-westerly) direction, one arrives at T'ien fang in 
three months. The tribute from T*ien fang was carried (in 
the days of the Ming) frequently by the overland route, 
and entered through Kia yil kuan. 

In 1430, when Cheng Ho (see p. 142) had been sent to 
the countries of the Western Ocean, he despatched one of 
his companions to Ku-li (Calicut). Having heard that a 
trading vessel was about to depart from this place to T*ien 
fang, he ordered him to join this party, and take with him 
various Chinese goods as presents (for the ruler). This 
trading vessel took a whole year to go to T'ien fang and 
return. The Chinese envoy had bought there fine pearls, 
precious stones, a Hi lin}^^^ a lion, a, fo ki (camel-fowl),^^^'' 
and when he returned, the king of T'ien fang sent one of 
his officers (named Sha-huan according to the Ming Geo- 
graphy) to accompany him, in order to present tribute to 
the Chinese emperor. The emperor received him kindly 
and rewarded him richly. He was sent back in 1436 with 
presents for his sovereign on board a ship from Chao-wa 
(Java), which had brought tribute. 

In 1 44 1 the king of T'ien fang sent his son Sai-i-de A-li 
(Seid Ali), in the company of the envoy Sai-i-de Hasan, 
with tribute to the Chinese court. They proceeded by the 
overland route, and carried with them pearls and precious 
stones. When this embassy had reached Ha-la (Kara- 
khodjo, see p. 186) they were attacked by robbers. The 
envoy was killed, the son of the king of T'ien fang was 
wounded in his right hand, and they were robbed of all 
their goods. The emperor ordered the authorities at the 
frontier to inquire into the case, and to take steps accord- 

In 1487 a Mohammedan from T'ien fang named A-li, 

]i36 Tlie Chinese unicorn. See note 876. 

^^^7 The ostrich. See vol. i. note pp. 143, 144. 


being desirous of meeting his elder brother, who had ram- 
bled in China for more than forty years, and who now was 
in the province of Yiin nan, set out for the Middle King- 
dom. He took along with him plenty of merchandise, and 
when he had reached Man-la-kia (Malacca) he went on 
board a trading vessel carrying tribute to China. The 
party arrived at Kuang tung (Canton), where the eunuch 
Wei Kuan, then superintendent of the foreign trade at 
that place, tried to squeeze Ali. The latter departed indig- 
nantly, and proceeded to the Chinese capital, where he 
preferred a charge against Wei Klian. The Board of Eites 
proposed to estimate the goods he presented as tribute, to 
reward him accordingly, and allow him also to proceed to 
Yiin nan to visit his brother there. But meanwhile Wei 
Kuan, who was afraid of being punished, had succeeded in 
bribing the respective officers at court, and All's case took 
another turn. He was represented to the emperor as a 
spy, who had come to China under the pretence of offering 
tribute. Accordingly the governor of Kuang tung received 
orders to send him away, and Ali, notwithstanding his 
lamentations, was forced to leave China. 

In 1490 the king of T'ien fang, by name Su-fan 
A-hei-ma (Sultan Ahmed), sent an envoy to China, who 
arrived together with the embassies of Sa-ma-rh-han and 
T'u-lu-fan (Turf an). He presented as tribute horses, 
camels, and jade. 

In the beginning of the reign of Cheng te (1506-22) the 
superintendent of the imperial horses and stables proposed 
to commission the military governor of Kan su to procure 
western mares and geldings. One of the foreign envoys 
having reported that the best horses were found in T'ien 
fang (Arabia), the governor of Kan su replied that the 
best way would be to address the respective envoys when 
they arrived with tribute at court. But upon the proposi- 
tion of the president of the Board of War and others, an 
order was given to the governor to select a number of 
clever men and despatch them with interpreters to those 


countries, in order to make known there the wishes of the 

In 1 5 18 the king of T'ien fang, by name Sie-i Ba-la 
h'o^^^^^ sent an envoy to the Chinese court offering as 
tribute horses, camels, knives made of fish-teeth, and 
other things. In return he received for his sovereign pre- 
cious garments, silk stuffs, musk, &c. 

In 1525 the king of T^ien fang, named I-ma-du-rh, and 
other princes despatched an embassy to China, presenting 
as tribute horses, camels, &c. On this occasion the Board 
of Eites presented to the emperor a report in which it was 
pointed out that the embassies from the west on their way 
to the Chinese capital used to be oppressed and retained, 
sometimes for more than half a year, by the officers in the 
province of Shen si, who in their reports accused the 
foreign envoys that the jade presented by them as tribute 
was all of bad quality, whilst these envoys retained the 
best pieces to sell them on their own account. The 
Board of Eites proposed to bring an action against those 
officers, and, in order to avoid annoyances on the road, to 
prohibit the importation of jade in great quantities. The 
emperor agreed. 

In the next year (1526) the king of T'ien fang, E-ma- 
du-Uang, and seven other princes of the same country, sent 
their envoys with tribute to China. This tribute consisted 
of jade ; ^^^^ but as this jade was coarse and of bad quality, 
CKen Kiu chuan, a councillor of the office charged with 

1138 Wiistenfeld in his "Geschichte der Stadt Mecca," 1861, gives a list 
of the sherifs of Mecca, which place in the fifteenth century was subject to 
the sultans of Egypt, and subsequently became a Turkish province. The 
Siei Balako in the Chinese record is perhaps the Sherif BaraJcut, 1497- 

1139 ^g jg l^nown, valuable jade {yii in Chinese) is found only near 
Khotan (see p. 249). But the Chinese annals mention frequently the yii 
among the productions presented as tribute by the envoys from the 
countries of Western Asia. This is not easily understood. Although the 
Chinese state (see p. 249) that the foreigners use to steal jade from the 
rivers of Khotan, it is, however, unlikely that the Arabian embassies, cgr., 
should have stolen jade at Khotan. But perhaps these foreigners bought 
jade somewhere on their road to China. 


the affairs of the foreigners, refused to accept it. The 
envoys of T'ien fang then became indignant, and the inter- 
preter ffic Shi shen, who was also vexed by the measures 
taken by Ch*en Kiu chuan, wrote down a complaint in the 
name of the envoys, in which the councillor was falsely 
accused of having stolen jade. The latter, on account of 
this charge, was imprisoned, and even tortured, and, not- 
withstanding the intercession of high-placed persons, he 
was exiled to the frontier. 

In 1532 an embassy from T*ien fang arrived at the 
capital together with embassies from T^io-hc-fan (Turfan) 
Ha-mi, Sa-ma-rh-han. It turned out that the embassy 
from T*ien fang had been sent by thirty-seven rulers, who 
all titled themselves wang (kings or princes, see note 929). 
The Board of Eites then made a report in which it was 
pointed out that the embassies from the countries of the 
Si yii arrived too frequently, and that the number of men 
with them was too large. It was further stated there that 
these foreigners came to China under the false pretence of 
bringing tribute, but that their principal aim was to spy 
out what was going on at court. The Board of Eites 
thought that strict orders should be given to the officers 
at the frontier not to allow the foreigners to proceed in 
great numbers to the capital, but to retain a part of the 
people accompanying those embassies, despatched by rulers 
who were only nominally vassals of China. The emperor 
approved of this proposal. 

According to the former regulations, when foreign 
embassies had reached the frontier, the Chinese officers 
were bound to examine the goods selected for beincj offered 
as tribute, and write down a list of all these articles. 
According to this list the Board of Eites afterwards had to 
decide with respect to the return presents bestowed on the 
embassies. The rest of the goods, not comprised in the 
list, were allowed to be sold by the embassies on their 
own account. In the event of this merchandise not 
Laving been sold when the embassies departed, they 

15 & l6 CEKT.] 



had the choice either to take it along or to sell it to 
the Chinese government, which paid in paper money 
according to the estimate made by the Board of Kites. 
Towards the end of the reign of Chenfj te (1506-22), 
when it had been proved that the compradores (who 
attended to the embassies) made a bad use of these rules, 
it had been decided that all goods not presented as tribute 
had to be estimated by official brokers, whereupon the 
Chinese government bought them in exchange for silk and 
paper money, 

Now, then, when the afore-mentioned embassies from 
T'ien fang and the other countries arrived in 1532, the 
goods which had not been registered as tribute, namely, jade, 
files, knives, and other articles, were stopped ; but at the 
request of the envoys the Chinese government agreed to 
accept them also as tribute and to assess a reward accord- 
ingly. These embassies of the foreigners consisted for the 
greater part of merchants who carried goods for the Chinese 
market. The covetous Chinese officers at the frontier 
caused them all kinds of annoyance in order to squeeze 
them, and often they appropriated to themselves even 
goods intended for tribute. But in this year, 1532, the 
'envoys were all clever men, knowing well the circum- 
stances, and they preferred a charge against the officers, 
which, however, was not paid attention to by the Board of 
Rites. It happened at the same time that the eunuch 
C%^en Hao in Kan su had sent his slave Wang hung to 
extort from the envoy (from T'ien fang) a number of fine 
horses, jade, and other things. The envoy waxed indignant, 
and when one day he met Wang hung in the street, he 
ordered him to be seized and delivered up to the authori- 
ties, explaining at the same time the case in Peking. Then 
the Board of Eites proposed to make an example of the 
delinquents, because the honour of the government had 
been affected by these abuses. Accordingly a commission 
composed of high officers was despatched to Kan su to 
inquire into the matter, and the guilty were sentenced. 


In 1538 T*ieii fang sent again tribute, and the envoy 
solicited permission to travel in the interior of China. 
But the Board of Eites suspected him to be a spy, point- 
ing out, besides this, that there was no instance of such a 
request having ever been acceded to. Thus the envoy 
met with a refusal. 

In 1543 T'ien fang, together with Sa-ma-7'h-Jian, Tu-lu- 
fan, Ha-mi, Lu-mi (Rum), and other countries, presented 
as tribute horses and other products, and in the sequel 
T*ien fang sent tribute every five or six years. Even dur- 
ing the reign of Wan li (i 573-1620) Chinese intercourse 
with T*ien fang still continued. 

I may here notice that among the supplications trans- 
lated by Amiot (see p. 149) there are two addressed to the 
Chinese emperor by envoys from T'ien fang : i. A-lo-ting, 
envoy from T*ien fang, presents as tribute jade and so-fu 
(see note 1060), and solicits tea-leaves. 2. Sha-chu-ting 
presents as tribute jade and ten western horses, and 
solicits silk, tea-leaves, and porcelain. 

Before continuing the translation from the Ming shi 
with respect to Arabia and Mecca, I may premise a short 
description of that country as found in the Tao i chi lio, 
an account of the countries of the Archipelago and the 
Indian Ocean by Wang Ta yilan, who visited most of the 
countries he describes in the first half of the fourteenth 
century. The Ming Geography quotes some passages 
from Wang Ta ylian's notices of Arabia. I prefer trans- 
lating the article in extenso from the original. 

In Tien fang (Heavenly hall, thus the author terms 
Arabia) there are many vast deserts. This is the country 
anciently known under the name of Yiin-chung. It has 
a pleasant climate, the air being vernal in all four seasons 
of the year. The soil is fertile and produces plenty of 
rice. There is an overland road from (the Chinese pro- 
vince of) Yiin nan to this country, by which it can be 
reached in one year. Another way leads to it by the 
Western Ocean. 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



They have in T'ien t'ang the calendar of the Hui-hui 
(Mohammedans). With respect to the Chinese calendar 
shou shi li,^'^^^ it shows a difference of three days. There 
is no error in their (astronomical) calculations (as in 
China). The climate is warm. The people are of good 
character. Men and women braid their hair. They are 
dressed in long coats made of fine (cotton or linen) cloth, 
and gird themselves around also with a piece of fine cloth. 
The country produces western horses measuring eight feet 
and more in height. The people like mare's milk, and 
usually mix it with their food. For this reason they are fat 
and handsome. For commercial purposes they use silver 
(coins). They manufacture satin of five different colours. 

The Ming shi concludes the article on Arabia, or especi- 
ally Mecca, with the following notices of the country, the 
customs, products, and sacred places there : — 

T'^ienfang is a great kingdom in the Siyil. Its climate 
is warm the whole year, as in summer. Eain, hail, hoar- 
frost, and snow are unknown there. But the dew is very 
heavy, and produces sufficient moisture to cause the herbs 
and the trees to thrive. The soil is fertile, and produces 
millet and wheat. The people are all tall. The men 
shave their heads and wind a piece of cloth about them. 
The women cover their heads and take care not to expose 
their faces. 

People say that the name of the founder of the religion 
of the Hui-hui (Mohammedans) is Ma-ha-ma (Moham- 
med). He was the principal teacher of this country, and 
when he died he was buried there.^^'*^ On his tomb there 

^'^^ Shou shi li was the calendar system invented by Kuo Shou Tcing, 
the great engineer and astronomer of Kublai Khan. It was in use through- 
out the Yiian dynasty. Compare also note 187. 

"^^ As I shall show farther on, this description here of T'ien fang refers 
properly to Mecca, and thus the Chinese record intimates that Mohammed 
was buried at this place. The reporter took the Kaaba for the tomb of 
Mohammed. This error with respect to Mohammed's being buried at 
Mecca has been frequently repeated by the medieval travellers. See 
Friar Odoric's narrative in Yule's " Cathay," p. 66. Even Mandeville, 
who had served the Saracens in Egypt, states the same. 


is a light wliich never goes out. The people still adhere 
faithfully to this religion, and therefore they are all good. 
Oppressions and revolutions are unknown there, and they 
liave also no capital punishment. The officers and the 
people always agree. Kobbery and theft are likewise not 
to be met there.^^*^ ^'^g^ fang is considered to be a 
blessed country.^^^^ The use of wine is forbidden there. 
They have temples in which they pray. At the beginning 
of each month the ruler, the officers, and the people all 
assemble to pray to Heaven with loud exclamations. 

The (principal) temple is of a square form, each side of 
it measuring 90 kien (see note mi) ; thus the four sides 
are 360 kien. The columns are all made of white jade 
(marble), the floor is of fine yellow jade. There is (in the 
middle of the courtyard of the temple) a hall representing 
a cube. The steps leading to the hall are composed of 
stones of five different colours. In the interior there are 
five large rafters of aloe-wood. The door-screens are all 
of gold. The wall in the interior of the hall has been 
made of clay mixed with attar and ambergris. The gate 
is guarded by two black lions.^^^* 

"« Burckhardt in his ** Travels in Arabia," i. 218, says the same with 
respect to the people of Mecca, but adds that on the other hand this place 
abounds in cheaters and beggars. 

1143 The Arabian province of Yemen, the Arabia Felix of the ancients. 

^^** Here evidently the Great Mosque of Mecca and the Kaaba in it are 
described. In the Kaaba, as is well known, the famous sacred black stone 
is kept, an object of the greatest veneration. It is supposed to have been 
one of the stones of Paradise, originally white, though since blacked by 
the kisses of the sinful but believing lips. The worship of stones is a 
very old form of Semitic cult (Palmer's "Quran," 1880, i. p. xiii.). This 
celebrated stone, not mentioned by the Chinese travellers of the Ming 
I)eriod, is noticed in the T'ang History as early as the seventh century. 
(See my " Notes on the Knowledge Possessed by the Chinese of the 
Arabs," &c, 1871, p. 7). It is stated there that a lion disclosed to 
Mohammed the existence near Medina in a hole of a mountain of a sword 
and black stone with the inscription, " Whoever possesses me becomes 
ruler." Detailed descriptions of the Great Mosque of Mecca, the Kaaba, 
the black stone, &c., are found in Ibn Batuta, i. 305-319; Chardin's 
•• Voyage," vii. 163 seq. ; Burckhardt's " Travels," i. 134-162. The Kaaba 
■lands in the middle of the square courtyard of the Great Mosque. This 

15 & l6 CENT.]' 



To the left (east) of the hall is the tomb of Sz-ma-i, 
who was a sacred man in this country. The tomb is 
covered with precious stones, and the wall around is made 
of yellow jade.^^*^ 

On both sides stand two magnificent halls built of stone, 
in which the doctrine (of Mohammed) is preached. 

Behind the tomb of Ma-ha-ma there is a well, the water 
of which is limpid and sweet. People who start for the 
sea-voyage use to take along with them some water from 
this well, for it has the property of appeasing the waves in 
time of storm when sprinkled over the sea.^^^^ 

The vegetables, fruits, and domestic animals in this 
country are the same as in China. There are water- 
melons and melons of enormous size. Sometimes one 
man is not able to take them up. There are peaches 
weicjhinsj from four to five kin, and fowls and ducks of 
more than ten kin weight. Such things are not found in 
foreign countries.^^*^ 

These reports with respect to the customs, &c., of T'ien 

courtyard, whif^.h is 200 paces broad and 250 long, is surrounded on all 
four sides by vast colonnades. According to tradition, the Kaaba was 
built by Ismael, the son of Abraham, and long before Mohammed the 
people used to make pilgrimages to the sacred stone. 

The chief shrine of the faith is the Kaaba. The name, which simply 
means a cube, was given to it on account of its shape, it being built square. 
The name of T'ien fang applied in the days of the Ming to Arabia, and 
referring especially to Mecca, means " heavenly square." The Si shi ki, 
referring to the middle of the thirteenth century, states (see i. p. 141) that 
west of Bao-da (Bagdad) twenty days' journey is Tien fang, in which the 
divine envoy of Heaven is buried. The second character in the latter 
name means "house," and the name "Heavenly house" is evidently in- 
tended for Beitullah, house of God, as the Arabs call the Great Mosque of 
Mecca. Another traveller of the Yiian, in the fourteenth century, as we 
have seen (p. 300), terms Arabia (Mecca) THen t'ang (Heavenly hall). 

1145 Evidently the tomb of Ismael is meant. The Arabs consider Ismael 
to be their ancestor. Compare with respect to Ismacl's tomb in the Great 
Mosque of Mecca, Ibn Batuta, i. 312. 

^"^ The well Zemzen, one of the most venerated objects in Mecca, is 
believed to be the spring which Hagar discovered when she fled into the 
wilderness with her son Ismael. Ibn Batuta, i. 318 ; Burckhardt, I. c. 

^^*' Chardin, I. c, also reports that Mecca abounds in vegetables and 


fang refer to the time when Cheng Ho (see p. 142) had 
been sent to the Western Ocean. But subsequently the 
circumstances have changed, and the number of rulers 
there has reached even twenty or thirty. 


This is the country of the ancestor of the Hui-hui 
(Mohammedans). It is situated near Tien fang (Mecca). 

In the reign of Suaii te (1426-36) the chief of Mo~ 
de-na, together with the ruler of T'ien fang, sent an embassy 
with tribute to the Chinese court. After this no embassy 
from that country was seen in China. 

It is reported that the first ruler of Mo-de-na was Mo- 
han-me-de (Mohammed) .^^^^ He was endowed with divine 
spirit, and subdued all countries of the Si yil. All western 
people venerate him as hie-yin-ha-rh}^^^ which in their lan- 
guage means divine envoy. They have in this country a 
sacred book which consists of thirty parts, and contains in 
the whole 3000 and more tuan (sections) .^^^^ It is written 
in three different letters, the chuan, tsao, and Uie}'^^^ 
These letters are in use all over the Si yil. 

According to their religion the people consider Heaven 
to be the supreme ruler. They have no images (or idols) 
in their temples. They pray every day piously, bowing 
towards the west. They fast one month every year. 
Then they bathe and change their clothes. It is a custom 

*^" Indeed Mohammed was first proclaimed ruler in Medina, where he 
had retired after his flight from Mecca. 

"*• Peiyhemher = i)rophet in Persian. 

"** The Koran, the religious and moral code of the Mohammedans, 
written by Mohammed, is divided by some people into thirty, by others 
into sixty parts. It comprises 115 chapters and 6300 verses (Chardin, I. c. 
ix. 164). 

"°^ Chuan is the name for the ancient Chinese characters or seal cha- 
racters ; tsao are the running-hand characters ; k'ie is the square elegant 
stylo of Chinese characters. The Koran was originally written in the Cufc 
or ancient Arabic characters. The Arabic running-hand characters, nasTchi, 
were invented in the tenth century. Chardin {l. c. iv. 275) states the 
Arabs have seven dilferent styles of characters. 

15 & i6 CENT.] MEDINA. 305 

among the people to change frequently the houses they 
dwell in. 

During the reign of Kai huang of the Sui dynasty, Sa- 
ha-ba Sa-a-di Gan-go-sz, a man who had arrived from 
Mo-de-na, first taught the Mohammedan doctrine in the 
Middle Kiiigdom.^i^^ ^^ the time of the Yuan (Mongol) 
dynasty, the Hui-hui were met everywhere in China. 
The Hui-hui adhere faithfully to their religion, and never 
turn apostate. They are all well versed in astrology, 
medicine, music. They weave figured stuffs and manu- 
facture fine vessels. They do not eat pork. Even when 
they travel to other countries, they do not change their 

Besides Mecca and Medina, the Ming History notices 
several other countries and places of Arabia. These 
accounts are found in chap, cccxxxvi., where the countries 
reached from China by the sea-route are treated of. 

Lsu-fa-rh, a Mohammedan country situated to the 
north-west of Ku-li (Calicut), distant from this place ten 
days' sail with favourable winds. To the south-east of 
this country is the Great Ocean, to the north-west are high 
mountains. There are to be found ostriches. Among the 
products are mentioned ju-Jiiang (olibanum), an-si-hiang 
(storax), sii-lio yu (also a kind of storax), mo yao (myrrh), 
lu-hui (aloes), hue kie (dragon's-blood). In 1422 an em- 
bassy from Dsu-fa-rh reached China.^^^^ 

A-dan, situated west of Ku-li (Calicut), can be reached 
by sea from that place in twenty-two days with a favour- 
able wind. The country is devoid of grass and trees. The 

^^^' Regarding this passage see i. p. 266. 

^153 Zhafar or Dhafar, on the south-eastern coast of Arabia. It was an 
important trading place in ancient times ; tlie Sapphara of Ptolemy, the 
Dufar of M. Polo, ii. 439. Ibn Batuta calls it Zhafar, and states that 
the sea-voyage from Zhafar to Calicut takes one month. Barbosa, in the 
beginning of the sixteenth century, mentions (p. 29) Diufar among tho 
towns of the Arabian coast east of Aden. There is now no town of this 
name, but it survives attached to a well-watered and fertile plain opening 
on the sea. 



first embassy from A-dan to China was sent in 1427. 
These embassies were subsequently often repeated.^^^* 

Za-sa, This country is reached from Ku-li with a favour- 
able wind in twenty days. It is devoid of grass, for it never 
rains there."^^ 

• LU'MI (RUli). 

This country is very far from China.^^^^ In 1524 an 
embassy from Lu-mi arrived, and presented as tribute a 
lion and a western ox. One of the imperial councillors 
laid before the emperor a report in which he pointed out 
that Lu-mi does not range among the countries which used 
to send tribute, and that a lion is not a beast proper for 
being kept. He proposed to refuse such presents. Another 
high officer reported that the Chinese authorities at the 
frontier had detected among the people belonging to the 
embassy from L^i-mi some men from T^'u-lu-fan (Turfan), 
and as Turfan constantly made predatory incursions on the 
Chinese dominions, he proposed to treat the envoy from 
Lu-mi as a spy, and send him beyond the Chinese fron- 
tier. However, the emperor accepted the presents, but 

"^^^ Aden was known already to the Romans, as' is testified by Philo- 
storgius, who wrote in the fourth century. It is mentioned as a seaport 
on the Arabian coast by all the early Arab geographers. Edrisi, in the 
twelfth century (i. 51), says that from Aden ships sailed for Hind, Sind, 
and China. M. Polo mentions Aden frequently. Barbosa (26-28) gives 
a detailed description of Adem and its trade. 

1155 This is probably El Hasa, a province on the east coast of Arabia. 
In the days of Ibn Batuta (ii. 247) there was also a city of this name. 

1156 ^ly identification oi Lu-mi with Rum is founded only upon similarity 
of sounds, and the statement in the Chinese record that Lu-mi is at a 
great distance from China. From early times the Persians and other 
Asiatics applied the name of Rum to the Roman Empire, and after its 
division, referred it especially to the Eastern or Byzantine Empire, which, 
as is known, included the whole of Asia Minor, Armenia, Syria, &c. Rum 
and the keaara of Rum are frequently mentioned in the Shah nameh. 
The Arab geographers continued to use the same name for designating 
the territories of the Byzantine Empire in Asia and Europe. Mas'udi 
<ii. 293) correctly derives the name of Rum from the city of Rom. He, as 
well as Tabari (ii. 1-31), give a list of the kesars of Rum, beginning with 

15 & i6 CENT.] RUM. 307 

ordered that the authorities at the frontier should inquire 
into the matter. 

In 1526, in the winter, an embassy from Lu-mi brought 
again specimens of the same beasts as tribute. After 
return presents had been conferred upon the envoy, the 
latter solicited also payment of the expenses of his journey, 
which, owing to the great distance, amounted to 12,000 
and more pieces of gold. But upon the protest of one 
of the councillors, the beasts were not accepted, and the 
envoy had to content himself with a meagre remune- 

In 1 543 Lu-mi sent an embassy, which arrived at the 
Chinese capital together with the embassies from T'ien 
fang and other countries. They presented horses and pro- 
ducts of the country. The next year the embassy re- 
turned home. When they arrived at Kan chou, it hap- 
pened that robbers from the north had crossed the Chinese 
frontier. The Chinese commander of the troops selected 
ninety of the men from Lu-mi and sent them against the 
robbers ; nine of the former were killed in this expedition. 
When the emperor had been informed of this event, he 
ordered the slain to be buried with all marks of honour. 

Augustus and concluding (Mas'udi) with the emperor Romanus I., about 
A.D. 920. When, towards the end of the eleventh century, the Seljukian 
Turks established their power in Asia Minor, the Asiatic nations retained 
the name of Rum for the territories of this monarchy, but, as appears 
from Abulfeda (II. i. 315 ; II. ii. 133), continued to call the Byzantine 
Empire likewise Rum. Subsequently, when, towards the end of the 
thirteenth century, the- Seljukian dynasty disappeared, and the Ottomans 
succeeded them in these territories, the name of Rum was transferred to 
the Ottoman Empire. Thus, in the days of Timur and his successors, this 
name was applied by the Mohammedans, as now-a-days, to the dominions 
of the Ottoman Sultans in Asia and Europe. In the Zafer nameh Rum is 
identified with Anatolia (iii. 28, 55, &c.). Sherif-eddin calls Bayazed, the 
Ottoman emperor, whom Timur made prisoner in 1402, Kaiser i Rum. 

The Chinese annals record several embassies from Lu-mi to China in 
the sixteenth century. It is not said that they had been despatched by 
the rulers of this country. I have not been able either to find in the 
history of the Ottoman empire any allusion to a diplomatic intercourse 
with China. 


In 1548 and in 1554 again embassies from Lu-mi arrived. 
They presented as tribute corals, amber, diamonds, por- 
celain vessels, so fu (see note 1060), curtains made of 
sa-ha-la (shawl, see note 1061), ling yang (antelope), skins 
of western dogs, skins of the slie-lie-sun}^^'^ t" ie-kio-pi}^^^ 

MI-SI-RH (EGYPT).ii59 

Mi-si-rh or Mi-sz-rh sent an embassy with tribute to 
China in the reign of Yung lo (1403-25). It was well 
treated, and the members of it were provided with meat 
and drink every five days. Orders had also been given 
to entertain them everywhere on their way through the 
Chinese dominions. 

In 1 44 1 the king of Mi-si-rh, by name So-lu-fan A-shi- 
la-fu}^^^ sent an envoy with tribute to the Chinese court. 
The Board of Kites on this occasion made a report stating 
that Mi-si-rh is a very distant country, and that the pre- 
sents usually bestowed on the foreign embassies ought 
to be diminished. The emperor consented. Then the 
presents for the king of Mi-si-rh, his wives, and the envoy 
are enumerated. 

After this no embassy from Mi-si-rh was seen in China. 

Father Amiot {I. c. 241) has translated (from the Chinese 
version) a letter written by Mo-li ko (Malek), sovereign of 
Mi-sz'-rh, addressed to the emperor of China, to whom he 

^*57 Shdamn is the Mongol name for the lynx. 

"*8 Literally iron horn's skin. Unknown to me. 

"** See i. p. 141, and il p. 135. 

1160 This embassy had been sent, it seems, by the famous Sultan Burshay, 
the only one of the Sultans of the Mameluk or Circassian dynasty in Egypt 
who had the title of Malek al ^sArc/ (sublime king). According to Weil, 
"Gesch. d. Chalifen" (v. 167-208), he reigned from 1422, and died on the 7th 
of June 1438. The envoy may have been despatched from Egypt a short 
time before the Sultan's death, and it is not unlikely that he did not 
reach China till three years later. The above Chinese text properly says 
that the Sultan himself came to China, but there are probably characters 
wanting, for farther on it is stated that an envoy was at the liead of tliis 
Egyptian embassy. 

15 & i6 CENT.] EGYPT. 309 

had sent one of his officers, by name of Ku-li, to offer 
three horses of the breed a-lu-gu (see note 107 1). As this 
letter, like all the letters translated by Amiot, bears no 
date, it is impossible to say what Sultan of Egypt had 
sent this embassy. Almost all the Sultans of the Mame- 
luk dynasty had the title Malek. 

Amiot has translated also (i. c. 247) a letter, without 
date, of a certain Mai-mo from Fei-se-le, depending on the 
kingdom of Fa-rh-sa-li-ko, who offered two leopards to 
the emperor ; and p. 246 we find the translation of another 
letter addressed to the emperor written by Ho-che-han- 
iung of Ty-mi-shi (Di-mi-shi). 

A. Eemusat, who had seen a copy of the original text of 
these letters, written in Persian, found that Fei-se-le (Bei- 
se-le) was intended to render the name of Bassora, and 
Di-mi-shi stood for Dimishk or Damascus ("Melanges 
Asiat.," ii. 249). 

As to the remainder of the countries and cities of 
Western Asia (and perhaps also Africa) mentioned in the 
last chapter of the Ming History as having sent tribute to 
the Chinese court by the overland routes, I shall give a 
translation of the Chinese accounts, which are somewhat 
obscure, without venturing on any identification. I am at 
a loss what to make of these names of countries, cities, 
and sovereigns, &c., occurring in the subjoined record. As 
has been proved in the foregoing pages by comparative 
investigations, the historical as well as the geographical 
records of the Ming shi concerning the greater kingdoms 
of Central and Western Asia are generally in good accord- 
ance with what we know on the same subject from 
Mohammedan sources, and there is therefore no reason 
for supposing that the Chinese chroniclers should have 
invented names of foreign countries and rulers. Eemusat 
{I. c) has, however, suggested that the letters of Western 


Asiatic sovereigns and envoys to the Chinese emperors, 
translated by Araiot, had been fabricated by the Chinese 
envoys sent to the western countries, but who themselves 
never reached these countries. It is needless to say that 
this is an arbitrary and utterly unfounded view. Eemusat 
besides this was mistaken with respect to the time these 
letters had to be assigned to. He believed that they had 
been addressed to emperor K'^ang hi (i 662-1 723) of the 
present dynasty. It seems that in the days of K'ang 
hi China had indeed no intercourse with the countries 
of Western Asia. Thus, in the first edition of the great 
Chinese geography Ta Tsing I fung chi, published in 
1744, previous to the conquest of Hi and Eastern Turkestan 
by the emperor KHen lung and to his missions to Western 
Turkestan and Ferghana, in the section on foreign countries 
and the map appended we meet with respect to the countries 
situated north-west of China only with the names of JIa 
mi, T^M-lu-f an (Tiwisin), Ye-rh-Jcin(Ya.r\iejid),Ba-li-Mun-rh 
(Barkul), and Wu-lu-mu-tsi ho- fun (city of Urumtsi), for 
embassies from these places came to the Chinese court in 
the reign of K*ang hi, at the close of the seventeenth 
century. It seems that the open communication which 
existed, as related in the foregoing pages, between China 
and the countries of Central and Western Asia by the 
overland route in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, 
had subsequently been suspended for more than a century. 
After this digression we now continue the translation 
of the Chinese accounts regarding the countries of the 
west, as found in the Ming History. 


A-8U is situated near THenfang (Arabia) and Sa-ma- 
rh-han}^^^ It is a vast country. The city (capital) leans 
against a mountain, and on the other side it is bordered 
by a river, wliich flows southward and empties itself into 

"" Nonsense. There are probably characters wanting in the Chinese 

15 & i6 CE^'T.] VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 311 

the sea. The country produces plenty of fish and salt. 
The people till the ground. They show reverence to 
Buddha (see note 1 135) and dread spirits. They are 
charitable and disposed to peace. A-su is a rich country. 
The climate there is cold and warm, according to the 
seasons. Dearth is unknown. Theft and robbery are not 

In 1 419 the ruler of this country, by name Ya-Jm Sha, 
sent an envoy to China to present to the emperor as 
tribute horses and products of the country. The envoy 
was kindly received. But A-su did not send tribute again, 
owing to the great distance from China. In 1463 the 
emperor sent the tu chi hui Po Tsilan thither, but no 
embassy from that country was seen again in China. 


It lies on an island in the sea west of A-su. In the 
reign of Yung lo (1403-25) an embassy (caravan) consist- 
ing of seventy-seven men arrived from Sha-ha-lu with 
tribute to the Chinese court. This country is surrounded 
by mountains and rivers, and is rich. The people are 
good-natured and disposed to peace. They show reverence 
to Buddha (see note 1135). The ruler and the high 
officers live in the city, whilst the people dwell outside. 
Many rare sea-products are found there. The merchants 
from the Si yil purchase them at low rates. The people 
are ignorant with respect to the value of these articles. 

The original name of this country was Su-ma-li. There 
is a white tiger living in a pine grove. It does not kill 
men and does not eat other animals. This white tiger is 
visible only once in ten days. The people consider it to 
be a sacred animal. This is the white tiger the soul of 
which descended to the western countries.^^^^ Yot this 

1^62 To make this strange statement intelligible, I may observe that the 
po hu or white tiger is the Chinese symbol for the west. They have also 


reason the name of the country was changed into Fo sung 
hu rh}^^^ Great mountains are not met there, and there 
are also no forests. Poisonous insects and ferocious 
animals are likewise unknown. The products are scarce. 
In the reign of Yung lo tribute was sent from this 


This is a little insignificant country surrounded by 
mountains on four sides. It has little grass and trees. 
The river flows in many windings, and has neither fish 
nor shrimps. The city (capital) is only about one li in 
circumference. The houses are all built of clay. The 
chief of that country also lives in a miserable house. The 
people hold the priests ^^^* in esteem. 

In 1460 Huo-la-dja sent an embassy with tribute. It 
was well received in China, and order was given to enter- 
tain the embassy in all cities of China they passed through. 
In 1492 a Mohammedan from that country named F'a-lu- 
wan (Pehelevan, see note 1076) with his followers arrived 
in China by the sea-route, and offered as tribute glass, 
agate, and other things. The emperor did not accept these 
presents. Orders were given to pay him the expenses of 
his journey and to send him back. 


This country is situated in the sea, and is subject to 
Samarkand. It is only 100 li in extent. The population 
amounts to not more than 1000 families. There are no 
cities surrounded by walls. The high and the low all live 
in wooden houses. They carry on agriculture and manu- 

symbols for the other quarters of the globe ; the azure dragon, tsing lung, 
represents the east ; the red bird, chu Jcio, the south ; the black warrior, 
hiian wu, accompanied with a tortoise and a snake, the north. Comp. 
Legge's Liki, i. p. 92 note. 

1163 Pq gy^j^g /^^ ,./j, means tiger of the white pines. 

"'^ Seng means properly a Buddhist priest, but if applied to western 
countries, it may be a priest of any religion. See also note 1135. 


facture woollen cloth. They have horses, cattle, camels, 
and sheep. The people are punished with the bamboo. 
They have silver coins. 

In the reign of Yung lo (1403-25) an embassy from 
that country arrived with tribute. Eeturn presents were 
made. They received the Chinese calendar, silk stuffs, 
sundry medicines, and tea. 


It is situated several days' journey by ship west of Shi- 
la-sz' (altogether contradictions). East of the city the 
land is level, fertile, and abounds in water and grass. 
Many kinds of cattle and several races of horses are bred 
there. There is a small breed of horses not more than 
three feet high. The people hold priests in esteem, and 
everybody is obliged to offer them meat and drink. The 
people are of a quarrelsome character and like to fight. 
Whoever has been worsted is derided by the others. 

In the reign of Yung lo an embassy with tribute arrived 
from that country. The envoy, when returning home, 
travelled through Ho pei^'^^^ and then turning (to the pro- 
vinces) inside the gate {Kia yil kuan), reached Kan chou 
and Su chou. Orders had been given to entertain the 
embassy at every place they passed through. 


In the reign of Yung lo an embassy arrived with tribute 
from this kingdom, which is a vast country with many 
high mountains. The people there traffic in the middle 
of the day, at which time the goods are exhibited. They 
like our porcelain and lacquered ware. The country pro- 
duces rare perfumes. There are also camels and horses. 

1185 ]Jq p^i^ north of the Yellow River. It seems this embassy had 
come to Nanking, which in the beginning of Yung lo's reign was his 



This country sent likewise tribute in the reign of Yung 
lo, and subsequently, in 1488, its king, named I-sz'-lian- 
da-rh Lu-mi THe-li-ya, despatched one of his high officers 
with tribute to the Chinese court, and solicited in return 
silk stuffs, Ma jou ^^^^ and porcelain. The emperor granted 
his request. 


It is situated in the Si yil. The inhabitants are Mo- 

In 1430 an envoy from K'un named Dje-ma-li-ding 
(Djamal-eddin) arrived at the court, and presented as 
tribute camels and horses. 

Finally, the Ming shi reports that, in addition to the 
afore-mentioned countries which had intercourse with 
China, the official documents of the Ming enumerate a 
number of little realms in the Si yil which also used to 
send tribute to the Chinese court. The Ming shi terms 
them ti mien (places, localities). Their embassies to China 
passed through Ha ini, and entered at Kia yil kuan. 
They sent tribute every three or five years, and their cara- 
vans generally arrived in the company of those of the 
kingdoms of Ha-lie (Herat), Ha-slii-ha-rh (Kashgar), Sai- 
lan (Sairam), I-li-ha-li (Moghulistan), Shi-la-sz (Shiraz), 
Sha-lu-hai-ya (Shahrokhia), A-su, Ba-dan (Badakhshan). 
The number of the members of these (little) embassies was 
not allowed to surpass twenty-five men. 

The following are the twenty-nine names of these 
ii mien given in the Ming shi without any particulars : — 

*"" A fabric made from the fibre of Bochmeria nivea, grass- cloth. 






Ha-di-lan (probably Khotelan, 

see note 1005). 
Sao - Ian (perhaps Savran, see 

i. 170). 
Me-k'o-li (a tribe near Ha-mi, 

see p. 178). 
Ba-li-hd (Balkh). 
An-li-ma (Almalik '?). 
T'o-hu-ma (Toghmak, see note 

CJia-li-shi (the Chialis of Hadji 

Mohammed, the Cialis of Goes. 

See pp. 200, 229, 236, 330). 

JVi-sha-wu-rh (Nishabur). 




JHuo-djan (Khodjend). 


Ya-rh-gan (Yarkend). 


Bai (probably the city of this 

name in Eastern Turkestan). 
The city of Sie-sz' (Sis in Asia 

Minor ?). 

The following eleven small countries or places, which 
also used to present tribute, did not send it through 
Ha-mi : ii69_ 



K'o-t'o kia la dju ye di gan la 

dju (four names). 
1-bu-la-yin (comp. p. 293). 


^^67 The fortress of Shaduman is frequently mentioned in the Zafer 
nameh (i, 5, 20, iii. 20 &c.). It was situated between Samarkand and 
Karshi. There was also a territory Hissar- Shaduman, likewise frequently 
mentioned in the Zafer nameh (iii. 2, 3, &c.). It seems this is the Hissar 
of our maps between Samarkand and Badakhshan. 

1168 Perhaps Kusan in Moghulistan, mentioned together with Bai in the 
Zafer nameh, see i. pp. 163, 230, and 330. Kusan is probably Kucha. 

1169 -pj^e thirty-three characters which now follow in the text, and which 
represent these eleven names, are placed one after another without separa- 
tion. I therefore am not sure whether I have always correctly divided. 



In order to complete my sketch of the intercourse 
between China and the countries of the west in the 
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries by the overland route, I 
may finally give some extracts from the more or less 
extensive articles devoted in the Ming shi to the Portu- 
guese, Spaniards, and Dutch, whose nautical and com- 
mercial supremacy in the waters of Southern and Eastern 
Asia lasted during the second half of the Ming period, 
and who caused much trouble also to the Chinese. These 
somewhat confused accounts are found in the section 
treating of the countries reached from China by the sea- 

The Fo-lang-ghi (Ferenghi or Franks) are said in the Ming 
shi, chap, cccxxv., to dwell near Man-la-hia (Malacca). 
In the reign of Cheng te (1506-21) they took possession 
of the latter country and expelled its king. In 1 5 1 8 they 
sent a high officer, Kia-pi-tan-mo (capitano), and others 
with tribute to China. They went up the river with their 
big ships to Kuang tung (Canton), and caused great sensa- 
tion by their tremendously loud guns. These guns are 
described in the record.^^^^ These foreigners were lodged 
in the Hvxii yilan post-station, and a report was sent to 
the emperor. When an order returned to accept the 
presents and send the foreigners immediately away, the 
latter did not obey, and the ambassadors solicited per- 
mission to proceed to the capital. When the emperor 
(Cheng te) was travelling in the southern provinces (end 
of 1 5 19), they despatched an envoy named Huo-dja Hasan 
to the court. But meanwhile advice had been received 

»»?• More detailed accounts of tliese guns of the Fo-lang-ghi are found 
in A Chinese military treatise translated by the late W. F. Mayers in 
hi« article on the •' Introduction of Gunpowder and Firearms among tha 
Cbineie." Journ. N. Ch. Br. As. Soc, new ser. vi. 1869. 

15 & i6 CENT.] PORTUGUESE. 317 

from Canton that the Fo-lang-ghi had built houses and 
thrown up entrenchments (at the island Ta mang, see note 
1 171) and committed all sorts of atrocities. They were 
accused of robbery and kidnapping, and even suspected of 
eating children. The ministers influenced the emperor 
against the Fo-lang-ghi, and when Cheng te died (in 
February 1521), his successor Kia tsing took measures to 
drive them out.^^^^ Farther on the same record states that 

^^''^ A contemporary Chinese account of the same events, i.e., the first 
arrival of the Portuguese in China, has been translated by the late W. F. 
Mayers in "Notes and Queries on China and Japan," 1868, p. 130. 

The first intercourse of the Portuguese with China is recorded with all 
particulars by J. De Barros, the author of the classical history of the 
Portuguese discoveries and conquests in Asia. I refer for the present 
summary to D. W. Soltau's German translation of de Barros' '• Asia," 
1 82 1, iii, pp. 63-76, 203-209. 

Malacca had been conquered by the Portuguese (Alfonso d'Alboquerque) 
in 15 1 1. Some years later, in 15 15 or 1516, Jorge d'Alboquerque, then 
governor of Malacca, despatched Rafael Perestrello in a Malay junk to 
China, On the 12th of August 15 16, no news having been received from 
Perestrello, the governor ordered Ferndo Perez d'Andrade to sail for China. 
But this expedition failed, and Perez was compelled to return to Malacca, 
where he found Perestrello, who in the meanwhile had come back from 
China, having realised an excellent profit from the goods sold to the 
Chinese. It was then resolved that F. d'Andrade should try a second 
time to reach China. Having taken in a cargo of pepper, he set off with 
his squadron on June 17, 15 17. Thomas Pirez accompanied him in the 
quality of an envoy from the king of Portugal. Although he was only an 
apothecary, he had the reputation of a clever man, well qualified for a 
diplomatic mission. On the 15th of August they reached the island 
called Tamang, which was three leagues distant from the Chinese shore, 
and where all the foreign ships which carried on trade with Canton had to 
anchor. F. d'Andrade met here with Duarte Coelho, his companion in 
the first expedition, who, after passing the winter in Siam, had reached 
this port a month ago. Notwithstanding the protestations of the Chinese 
authorities, F. d'Andrade with some of his ships sailed up the river to 
Canton, and saluted by firing the guns. The envoy, Thomas Pirez, was 
then landed with his suite. The Chinese received him well and lodged 
him in a comfortable house. The goods the Portuguese had carried with 
them were also landed and stored up. Whilst D. Coelho was despatched 
to Malacca to inform the governor of the arrival of the expedition at 
Canton, J. Mascarenhas received orders to explore the coast of China. He 
proceeded with a small number of junks to Chincheo, in the province of 
Fo Tcienj (Chincheo was the name given by tlie old Portuguese to the port 
of Chang chou in Fukien). In August 15 18 Simdo d'Andrade arrived at 


the Fo-lang-ghi, having taken possession of Ao, in the 
district of Hiang shan, established a factory there, and 

the port of the ishmd of Tamu (Ta mang, v. supra). He had been sent to 
replace his brother Fernao, who had been recalled, and who sailed for 
Alalacca end of September, leaving Pirez and the rest at Canton. Mean- 
while intelligence had been received that the emperor of China had 
assented to receive Thomas Pirez, the envoy. It was, however, only in 
January 1520 * that Pirez set out from Canton to meet the emperor. The 
party went by boat to the mountains Ma len shang (the Mei ling chain), 
which separate the southern provinces Kan sing and Kan tong and Fo kieng 
( Kuang si, Kuang tung, and Fu kien) from the northern ones, and then 
proceeded to Nan king, where the emperor was then sojourning. This 
journey had taken four months.t The emperor enjoined the envoy to pro- 
ceed to Peking, and having set out himself, he reached his capital in January 
1 52 1. Meanwhile some unfavourable reports had been received from 
Canton regarding the Portuguese. Owing to the influence of a subject of 
the Sultan of Malacca, they were denounced to come under the denomina- 
tion of merchants to spy the country. Besides this, Simao Andrade, who 
had taken the principal command and had thrown up intrenchments in 
the island of Tamu, by his atrocious conduct had entirely reversed the 
good opinion the Chinese had formed of his countrymen. The Portuguese 
were even accused of kidnapping. Thus the emperor refused to see Pirez, 
and three months after he died.J The Chinese ministers advised the new 
emperor (Kia tsing) to put the envoy to death, but the emperor gave 
instructions that the Portuguese embassy be sent back to Canton and 
be kept in custody till further orders. The presents were also refused. 
After S. Andrade's departure in the same year, Diego Calvo had taken the 
command. When the news of the emperor's death reached Canton, the 
Chinese authorities summoned the Portuguese to withdraw with their 
ships from the island of Tamu, and as the latter refused, they were 
attacked by the Chinese squadron and driven off with heavy loss. Upon 
this event, which took place in June 1520 (I should think 1521), Pirez and 
his companions arrived at Canton, and were immediately thrown into 

No further information with regard to the intercourse of the Portuguese 
with China is found in de Barros, whose history concludes with the year 
1 539. He says nothing either with respect to the fate of Thomas Pirez, 
the first Portuguese ambassador to the emperor of China. Pirez' country- 
man, the adventurous traveller M. Pinto (see p. 155), who was in China 
about twenty years after the events above related had taken place, 
States that Thomas Pirez, after being punished with torture, together with 

• Tlje d:ites given by do Barros do not seem to agree with the dates given for the 
wine evcuUi lu the Chinese annala. See de Mailla's " Histoire de la Chine," x. 
397 $tq 

t According to the Chinese annals, the emperor Chang te in 1519 was engaged in 
a tftur in the southern provinces. Ho was in Nanking in October, and returned to 
Poking in November or December. 

{ According to the ChineM ounals, Cheng te died in February 1521. 

15 & l6 CENT.] 



from this place carried on trade with Fu Men. In 1549 
they founded a city there.^^^^ Subsequently men from 
Ta Si yang (the Great Western Ocean) arrived and settled 
in this city (the Jesuit missionaries, see farther on). In 
concluding the account of the Fo-lang-ghi the Ming shi 
states that they were formerly adherents of the Buddhist 
religion, but subsequently accepted the faith of the Lord 
of Heaven. 

Besides the particulars given in the above account 
regarding the Fo-lang-ghi or Portuguese, their name occurs 
repeatedly in other pages of the Ming shi. In the article 
Man la kia (chap, cccxxv.) the conquest of Malacca by the 
To-lang-ghi in 1 5 1 1 is recorded, and the measures taken 
by the Chinese government against these foreigners are 
spoken of. See Groeneveldt's translation in "Malay 
Archip.," &c., p. 1 34. Eegarding their settling in Java and 
their trade there, see the article Chao-wa, chap, cccxxiv., 
and Groenev., I. c. 41. The Ming History further men- 
tions, in the article Su-lu, chap, cccxxv., the attacking of 
the islands of the Sulu Archipelago by the Portuguese in the 
reign of Wan li (i 573-1619). Groenev., I. c. 105. Finally, 
in chap, cccxxiii. the occupation of Mei-lo-kii (the Moluccas) 
by the Portuguese is recorded. Groenev., I. c. 11 8. 

In the article Lii-sung (Ming shi, chap, cccxxiii.) the 
name of the Fo-lang-ghi appears once more, but in this 
case the Chinese do not mean the Portuguese, but refer 
to the Spaniards. 

Lii-sung is even now-a-days the Chinese name for the 
Philippine Islands, and especially the great island Luzon, 

twelve of his companions, was exiled to the north of China, where he 
subsequently married a Chinese girl, whom he converted to Christianity, 
and that he died after a long residence in that country. Pinto in 1543 
saw his daughter there. But according to other sources, Thomas Pirez 
was put to death in Canton in 1523 (Williams' "Middle Kingdom," ii. 

"72 This city was named Macao by the Portuguese. It is the Ao men 
(gate of Ao) of the Chinese. Ao means properly a bay. 


on which Manilla is situated. The first intercourse of 
the Chinese with Lil-sung dates from a.d. 1372, when first 
envoys arrived from that country at the Chinese court. 
After this the Chinese maintained regular intercourse 
with Lli-sung. According to the Ming annals, it was in 
the beginning of the reign of Wan li, thus about 1573, 
that the Fo-lang-ghi made their first appearance in the 
.waters of the Philippines. ^^^^ The Chinese chroniclers 
report a curious story in connection with the first settle- 
ment of the Fo-lang-ghi in Lli-sung, stating that when 
these foreigners arrived they made rich presents to the 
king of Lii-sung, and begged the favour to occupy only as 
much land for building houses on as could be covered 
with the hide of an ox. The king, who did not take 
umbrage at this demand, assented, and then the for- 
eigners cut the hide of an ox into narrow stripes, with 
which they surrounded a large area of land.^^^* The 
article on Lii-sung in the Ming shi fills nine pages and 
gives many other details concerning Chinese intercourse 
with Luzon and the conquest of the Philippines by the 

The Ho-lan or Hung mao fan (red-haired barbarians), by 
which name the Dutch (Hollanders) are to be understood, 
are also treated at length in the Ming shi, in chap, cccxxv., 
where their conquests in the Indian Archipelago and 

"^' The Philippine Archipelago was discovered by Magellan, the first 
circumnavigator of the globe, in 1521. After several unsuccessful expedi- 
tions undertaken by the Spaniards to explore and conquer these islands, 
it was only in 1569 that the Spanish admiral Legaspe discovered Luzon. 
In 1 57 1 the capital of Manilla was founded there, and successively the 
subjugation of the Archipelago throughout was etlected. See Crawford's 
** Dictionary of the Indian Islands." 

*^'* I am not aware whether this Chinese tradition has any foundation, 
but it is curious to find in an ancient Chinese record the well-known story 
of the foundation of Carthago by Dido repeated. Du Hal do ("La Chine," 
L 185) reports the same tradition in connection with the settling of the 
Dutch in Formosa in 1620. He draws also from Chinese sources, for the 
original of liis translation is found in the Tai wan fu chi or Chinese 
dencriptiou of Formosa. 


their intercourse with China in the seventeenth century- 
are spoken of. The Chinese chronicler notices that when 
Cheng Ho (see p. 142), in the first half of the fifteenth 
century, visited the countries of the Indian Sea, he did 
not hear of the Ho-lan. It is only in the reign of Wan 
li ( 1 573-1620) that the first mention of them occurs in 
the Chinese annals. It is stated in this article that the 
Ho-lan dwell near the Fo-lang-ghi (Portuguese), whom, 
as we have seen, the Chinese locate near Malacca. In 
another passage we read that in the reign of Wan li the 
Chinese merchants of the province of Fu kien were per- 
mitted to go to Ta-ni, Lil-sung, and Kiao-lm-;pa or Ho-lan, 
and carry on trade with these nations, who subsequently 
themselves ventured to come to China for trading purposes. 
Kiao-liu-pa is the Chinese name for Batavia}'^'^^ But at 
the end of the account it is correctly stated that the 
original country of the Ho-lan lies in the Great Western 
Ocean, and that they profess the faith of the Lord of 
Heaven. They are said to have red hair, tall bodies, blue 
eyes sunk deep in their heads. Their feet were one cubit 
and two-tenths long, &c. Sub anno 1602 it is related that 
the Ho-lan with their big ships proceeded to Lu-sung, 
attacked the country, and subsequently also came to Ao 
(Macao), which they likewise attacked.^^^^ Some years 
later the occupation of the F^eng Im islands {Pescadores, 
between the Chinese coast and Formosa) by the Ho-lan is 
recorded, who arrived with two big men-of-war, established 

^^^^ Seyger van Rechtern, in the narrative of his voyage to tlie East 
Indies (Batavia) in 1628, informs us that the city oi Batavia, called Jaccatra 
by the Javanese, is known to the Chinese by the name of Calappa. In the 
same author I find the somewhat obscure passage, stating that the Chinese 
call the Dutch Statices, on account of the States. 

^^"^ According to Valentyn, who in 1724 wrote the history of the Dutch 
East India Company (established in 1602), the first appearance of the 
Dutch in the waters of the China Sea was in 1603, when two ships of the 
Company came to Macao and destroyed a Portuguese galleon there. In 
1622 an unsuccessful attempt was made by the Dutch to capture Macao. 
Their fleet besieged the Portuguese in this place, but they were repulsed 
with great loss. 



themselves there, and constructed huts of wood.^^^^ Next 
they made an attack upon the territories of the Fo-lang-ghi 
in Mei-lO'Tcil, (More details with respect to the contest 
between the Dutch and the Portuguese for the Moluccas 
will be found in Groeneveldt's translation, p. 1 1 8.) Finally, 
mention is made in this article of the settling of the Dutch 
in Formosa, and notices regarding the same event are found 
in the article Ki lung shan, in chap, cccxxiii. 

By Ki lung shan (mountain of Ki lung) the Ming His- 
tory seems to understand the island of Formosa, although 
Ki lung was only the name of a port on the northern 
coast of the island. It is still an important trading place. 
The Chinese record says that Ki lung shan is situated 
north-east of the P'eng hu islands. Its original name (at 
the time of the Yuan) was Pe Jciang (northern estuary). ^^^^ 
In 1616 the Ji-pen (Japanese) settled in Ki lung shan, 
and some years later the Hung mao fan took possession 
of a place (harbour) called T'ai wan,'^^'^^ built houses, and 

^^^ Seyger van Rechtern records tliat after the defeat the Dutch had 
sufTered at Macao in June 1622, their fleet went directly to the Pescadore 
islands, where they built a fort. 

1178 Valentyn (resp. van Rechtern), in his account of the island of For- 
mosa, states that the Chinese call Formosa Pekeande. Perhaps this is a 
corruption of the Chinese Pe kiang. The latter is not, as it would seem 
from the Chinese report, an ancient name for the port of Kilung, for Pe 
Jciang is still the name of a place and a river on the western coast of For- 
mosa, north of T'ai wan. See the map appended to the *' Reports on Trade 
Chin. Marit. Customs," 1880. 

"7» T'ai wan, on the western coast of Formosa, now-a-days the capital 
city of the island. T'ai = high terrace, wan = 'ba.y, harbour. The Chinese 
apply the name of T ai wan also to the whole island, called Ilha Formosa 
(beautiful island) by the old Portuguese. 

"We learn from Seyger van Rechtern that the Dutch, after taking posses- 
sion of the Pescadores, rendered dangerous the commerce between China 
and Manilla, destroyed whatever they could seize of Chinese junks, and 
blocked up the mouth of the river of Chincheo (Chang chou) opposite 
Amoy, for the Chinese refused to grant them liberty of commerce. At 
length, in 1624 the Chinese concluded peace with the Dutch, and trade 
was permitted to the latter, who, however, on their part, agreed to eva- 
cuate the Pescadores. They sailed to Formosa, and took possession of a 
harbour on the south-western side called Taiovan (T'ai wan), where they 
built a fort named Zealand, This fort, the ruins of which can still be 

15 & i6cENT.] BYZANZ. 


settled there. Besides T'ai wan, the article on Ki luii'' 
shan mentions also the ports of Tan shui {Tamsuy, now 
one of the treaty ports of Formosa on the north-western 
coast) and Lang kHao (near the southern termination of 
Formosa), and a place To-lo-man (unknown to me). 

On the first arrival of the red-haired barbarians in 
Chao-wa (Java) in the Wan li period, see Groeneveldt's 
translation from the Ming shi, pp. 40, 56. 

In the same section of the Ming shi, chap, cccxxvi., 
there is also an article on Fu-lin, a country which has 
generally been identified with the Byzantine empire, a 
view which, however, has lately been controverted by Dr. 
r. Hirth, who, having compared all the Chinese accounts 
of various times referring to Fu-lin, has come to the con- 
clusion that Fu-lin is Syria. See his able and interesting 
book, "China and the Eoman Orient," 1855, where, on p. 
64, also a translation of the article Fu lin in the Ming shi 
is found. Compare also Dr. J. Edkins' judicious remarks 
on Dr. Hirth's conclusions in his "Plea for Eome and 
Byzantium" ("Chinese Eecorder," 1885). 

seen, bears the date 1630. A Japanese colony, then resident there, soon 
retired, and the natives offered no opposition. The Dutch authority in 
Formosa ended in 1662, when they were expelled from T'aiwan by a 
Chinese chieftain and pirate, Ching ching hung (Koxinga of the Portu- 

Valentyn records that the Spanish governor of the Philippines in 1626 
fortified the port of Kelung, from which, hoAvever, the Spaniards were sub- 
sequently expelled by the Dutch. Thirty miles from this harbour, on the 
north-western shore, another settlement was formed at Tan shui (Tamsuy). 

According to the Jesuit missionaries, the island of Formosa was un- 
known to the Chinese previous to a.d. 1430, when the discovery was due 
to the accident of a shipwreck (" Lettres Edif. et Cur.," xviii. 413). It is 
true that the name of T'ai wan appears first in the Ming History^ but, 
as the Marquis d'Hervey de St. Denys has proved in his able articles on 
Formosa ("Journ. Asiat," 1874, 1875), this island was known to tlie 
Chinese in early times under the name of Liu kiu, i.e., they included this 
large island in the group of the Liu kiu islands. 



In this article, chap, cccxxvi., it is recorded that in the 
reign of Wan li (i 573-1620) a man from that country, 
which is situated in the middle of the Western Sea, 
arrived at the Chinese capital (Peking). His name was 
Li Ma t''ou}^^^ He made a map of the world, with the 
title wan kuo tsilan t'u (map of the ten thousand king- 
doms), and stated in this work that there are in the world 
five ta chou (great islands, parts of the globe). The first is 
called A-si-ya. It comprises more than a hundred king- 
doms, and China is one of them. The second is Ou-lo-pa 
(Europa), with more than seventy kingdoms. I-ta-li-ya 
ranges amongst them. The third is Li-wei-ya (Lybia).^^^^ 
It numbers also more than a hundred kingdoms. The 
fourth is A-mo-le-hia (America). It is very large, and 
divided into a northern and a southern part. After- 
wards the fifth was discovered and called Mo-iua-la-ni-lcia 

With respect to the first arrival of the Jesuit mission- 
aries at Peking, and their establishing themselves there, 
we find in the Ming shi the following details, which are 
in complete accordance with the information given on 
the same events by Trigault, Semedo, Du Halde, &c., and 
prove the authenticity of the reports of these missionaries. 

1180 This is the Chinese name which Matteo Ricci adopted in China. It 
can be read on his tombstone with Chinese and Latin inscriptions, raised 
by imperial order in the Portuguese cemetery situated near the (western) 
Ping tsz' men gate of Peking, where a great number of the early Jesuit 
missionaries repose. Ricci arrived in China (Macao) in 1582, but it was 
only in 1601 that he was allowed to come to Peking, where he died in 

*i*^ I am not aware why Ricci prefers this name to Africa. 

""^ Under this name the European geographers of that time included 
an extensive tract of land supposed to extend from close contiguity with 
South America to several degrees beyond the South Pole. Comp. Wylie's 
*• Notes on Chin. Lit.," p. 47. Pantoja, likewise an Italian Jesuit, wrote 
in compliance with an imperial order, as an accompaniment to Ricci'a 
map, u concise geograpliy of the world, which after Pantoja's death was 
publlBhcd in 1623 with some additions, under the name of Chi fan<j wax ki. 



In the ninth year of the reign of Wan li (1581), Li Ma 
t^oic (Eicci) had first embarked, and after a sea-voyage of 
90,000 li, arrived at Ao (Macao), in the district of Hiang 
shan, in the Kuang lung province. Then his doctrine 
infected China. In 1601 he arrived at Peking, and the 
eunuch Ma T^ang introduced him to the emperor with the 
presents he had brought as tribute. Li Ma t'ou stated 
that he was a man from Ta Si yang (the Great "Western 
Ocean). Thereupon the ministers of the Board of Eites 
made a long report to the emperor, pointing out that this 
foreigner seems to be a liar, for according to the Hui tien 
(collection of the statutes of the Ming), there is indeed a 
country Si yang Soli, but nobody has heard of Ta Si 
yang. " Moreover, this man has appeared at court twenty 
years after his arrival in China. And what did he offer 
to the emperor as tribute ? ITothing but strange things 
which have no resemblance to those rare and precious 
presents usually offered by the envoys from distant 
countries. He has brought, for instance, portraits of the 
Lord of Heaven and of his mother, and also some bones of 
immortals. As if an immortal who soars up to heaven 
should be provided with bones ! Han yil, (a scholar) of 
the T'ang period, has said that such unclean things can 
only bring mischief, and therefore ought not to enter into 
the palace." After this, the report blamed the behaviour 
of the eunuch Ma T'ang, who, before introducing Li Ma 
t'ou into the palace, should have applied to the Board of 
Eites, as is the rule, that the things presented as tribute 
might have been examined. " This man (Eicci) is staying 
privately in a Buddhist temple of Peking, and we know 
nothing about him and his intentions. It is the rule that 
in the case of foreign countries sending tribute to the 
court, the envoys are rewarded and entertained as guests. 
Now we propose to bestow upon Li Ma t'ou a cap and a 
girdle, and to send him back. He ought not to be allowed 
to live secretly in either of the two capitals, nor to enter 
into intimacy with our people." After this the emperor 


came to no decision, when in the eighth month the Board 
of Kites again laid before him a report, complaining that 
they had been waiting vainly five months for His Majesty's 
decision in the matter of Li Ma t'ou. They now tried to 
prove that it would injure his health if he were staying 
any longer in Peking. " Just as a bird or a deer when 
put into a cage is mourning for its forests and luxuriant 
grass, likewise men also do not feel easy in a city." They 
stated further that Li Ma t*ou did not attach any value to 
presents, and they pretended that he himself was desi- 
rous of living in the mountains. Accordingly the Board 
of Eites proposed to send him to Kiang si, alleging that 
people living in the deep valleys and mountains of that 
province are said to attain a high age. However, the 
emperor did not pay any attention to these arguments. 
On the contrary, he was pleased with the man who had 
come from so far a country, and ordered him to remain in 
the capital, bestowing upon him rich presents, giving him 
a house, and paying for his maintenance. Subsequently 
the officers as well as the people conceived an affection 
for him, and held him in great esteem. He died in the 
fourth month of 1610, and was buried by imperial order 
in the western suburb of the capital (Portuguese cemetery, 
see note 1 1 80). 

On the first of the eleventh month of the same year an 
eclipse of the sun happened, and it turned out that the 
(Chinese) astronomer had made a grave mistake in his cal- 
culation, whereupon the emperor gave order to change the 
mode of calculation. In the next year the president of 
the Astronomical Board pointed out two men from the 
Great Western Ocean, by names of Fang Ti ivo and Hiung 
San pa, deeply versed in astronomy, and who calculated 
according to methods unknown in China. A councillor of 
the Board of Rites proposed to examine again the Moham- 
medan system of calculating introduced by Hung wu (the 
first Ming emperor), and to invite for this deliberation the 
afore-mentioned foreigners. The emperor consented. 


Since the time Li Ma t'ou had first entered the Middle 
Kingdom, his followers arrived in great numbers. One of 
them, by name Wang Feng su, who lived in Nan king, was 
an ardent propagator of the doctrine of the Lord of Heaven, 
and attracted the people of all classes, officers as well as 
the peasants in the villages. However, the Board of Eites 
hated the followers of this religion, and was always dis- 
posed to put them to all kinds of inconveniences. In 
1 6 16 the Board of Kites laid before the emperor a report, 
in which it was suggested that the doctrine of the Lord 
of Heaven was a fallacious and vicious one, exciting the 
people. It was tried also to prove that they (the mis- 
sionaries) were Fo-lang-ghiP-^'^ Wang Feng su, Yang Ma 
no, and others, were accused of seducing the people to 
assemble on the first and the fifteenth days of every month 
to the number of ten thousand men, under the pretence of 
praying, but in fact to plot secretly, in the same way as 
the (secret) society called Po lien (White Lotus) did, being 
also in collusion with the foreigners in Ao (Macao). The 
effect of this report was that an imperial decree went out 
banishing the followers of this doctrine to the province of 
Kuang tung. In the fourth month of 161S Pang Ti ico 
addressed to the emperor a petition in which he solicited 
to be left with his companions, ten in number, in the 
capital, alluding to their merits and his having held an 
office in the capital for seventeen years. He tried also to 
prove that the doctrine had nothing to do with conspi- 
racies, &c. But he was refused by the emperor, and the 
foreigners went away discontented. Subsequently Wang 
Feng su changed his name, and passed (again) into Nan 
king, where he taught secretly his doctrine as before. It 
was impossible to get at the truth. 

In his country (I understand Wang Feng su's country) 
the people are very clever in making cannons. These 

1183 ^g ^e have seen, the Chinese understood by this name (Ferenghi 
or Franks) generally tlie Portuguese, who, owing to their affairs in Macao, 
of course had a bad repute in China. 


cannons are larger than those brought from the Great 
Western Ocean. After one of these had been received in 
China, attempts were made to imitate them. But it was 
impossible to make use of these arms. During the reigns 
of Tien ki (1621-28) and Ch'ung cheng (1628-44) men 
from Ao (Macao) came to the capital, and as they proved 
to be very clever in military arts, they were employed in 
the war in the north-east (against the Manchus).^^^* 

In the reign of Ch*ung cheng (the last Ming emperor) it 
happened that the calculation of the calendar had fallen 
into disorder, and the Board of Eites proposed to apply 
to the followers of the doctrine of the Lord of Heaven, 
namely, Zo Ya ku and T^'ang Jo wang and others, to ap- 
point a committee in order to rectify the ancient methods of 
calculation by means of the new system of the foreigners. 
The emperor agreed, and in 1628 a book was published 
with the title CKung cheng li shu (Almanack of emperor 
Ch*ung cheng), which was superior to the former almanack 
ta fung li. 

These (Christian) foreigners who had come to the east 
had in the Middle Kingdom the repute of being the most 
intelligent, learned, and honest men. They preached their 
doctrine, and wrote many useful books on matters never 
before heard of by the Chinese people. They never asked 
for any payment. They became well known among the 
people, and even high officers made them their friends. 

After this the Ming History enumerates the following 
Jesuit missionaries under their Chinese names, indicating 
also their native countries : — 

^^** Detailed accounts regarding the Portuguese of Macao, who in about 
1622 came to Peking, and assisted the army of the Ming against the 
Manchus, are found in Semedo's "China" (French transl, pp. 138, 146). 
Semedo at the time liere spoken of was in Peking. See also my article on 
the subject, •' China Review," vi. 339. In Marc d'Avalo's description of 
Macao, referring to the first quarter of the seventeenth century, and pub- 
lished by S. van Rechtern, it is stated that the Portuguese had a gun- 
foundry there, where cannons of gun-metal and iron were cast. 


Lung Hua min, \ 

Ai mZo''' \ ^^^ ^"^^ I-ta-U-ya (Italy). 
Hiung San pa, J 

Teng Tit han, from Je-rli-ma-ni (Germany). 
P'ang Ti wo, from I-si-pa-ni-ya (Hispania). 
Yang Ma no, from Po-rh-tu-wa-rh (Portiigal).ii85 


Before concluding these volumes, it remains for me 
to say a few words on a Chinese itinerary, sketching the 
overland route from the north-western frontier to the 
Mediterranean Sea, of which a full translation has been 

1185 "pj^Q document above translated is an honourable monument raised 
in Chinese history to tl;e memory of those venerable Jesuit missionaries 
who preached the gospel in China nearly 300 years ago. It proves at the 
same time that their statements with respect to their influence at the 
Chinese court and the conversion of the highest Chinese officers have by 
no means been exaggerated. In 1872 the learned Jesuit Fathers at Sik Tea 
way (near Shanghai) published an interesting pamphlet with the title : 
Catalogus Patrum ac Fratrum e Societe Jesu qui a morte S. Fr. Xaverii ad 
annum MDCCCLXXII Evangelio Propaganda in Sinis adlahoraverunt. 
The list shows also the names these missionaries adopted in China, and 
besides this, short biographical notes have been added. This useful com- 
pilation enables me to identify the names of the missionaries mentioned in 
the Chinese record. I may give here their European names : — 

Li Ma t'ou, MatthcBus Ricci, born at Macerata, in Italy, in 1552, 
arrived in China in 1582, died at Peking nth May 1610. 

Lung Hua min, Nicolaus Longobardi, born in Sicily in 1582, arr. in 
China 1597, died at Peking nth December 1654. 

P'ang Ti too, Didacus de Pantoja, a Spaniard, born 157 1, arr. in China 
1599, died at Macao 16 18. 

Hiung San pa, Sabhathinus de Ursis, born at Naples 1575, arr. in China 
1606, died at Macao 1620. 

Yang Ma no, Emmanuel Diaz, jun., a Portuguese, born 1574, came to 
China 16 10, died at Hang chou 1659. 

Pi Fang tsi, Franciscus Sambiaso, born at Naples 1582, came to China 
1613, died at Macao 1649. 

Teng Yilhan, Joannes Terrenz, born in Switzerland 1576, came to China 
1 62 1, died at Peking 1630. 

T'ang Ju wan, Johann Adam Schall von Koln, a German, born 1591, 
came to China 1622, died at Peking 1666. 

Lo Ya ku, Jacobus Rho, born at Milan 1590, came to China 1624, died 
at Peking 1638. 


presented in the first edition of my Eesearches,^^^^ but 
which I do not consider sufficiently interesting to be repro- 
duced in these pages. It refers probably to the fifteenth 
century, was first published at the close of the Ming in a 
strategical description of China, and seems to have been 
compiled from various itineraries noted down by the 
numerous Chinese envoys who in that period visited the 
countries of Central and Western Asia. 

This Chinese itinerary, which bears the title Si yil T4 ti 
jen um lio, i.e., a sketch of the countries, the people, and 
the products of the Si yil, begins at Kia yu kuan. the impor- 
tant fortress at the north-western frontier of China (see 
note 937). Although the greater part of the geographical 
names mentioned on the route and in the vicinity of it 
escape critical investigation, owing to the scantiness of 
our knowledge with respect to these tracts from other 
sources, ancient or modern, we are nevertheless enabled to 
trace in a general way the lines of the itinerary. The 
mentioning of such places as Sha chou, Ha mi, Karahliodjo, 
Turfan, Suhashi}^^'^ Kunmishi,^'^^'^ Chalish (Kharashar, see 
p. 315), Ku sien (Kucha, see p. 315), Aksic, Kashgar, in 
the first part of it, leaves no doubt that it follows the great 
highway through Eastern Turkestan along the southern 
slope of the T*ien shan chain. As we have learned from 
the accounts translated above from the MinE^ shi, this was 

Ai Ju lio, J. Aleni, born at Brixia 1582, came to China 16 13, died at 
Fu chou 1649. 

The name Wang Fen su is not found in the list of the Jesuit mission- 
aries. But from Semedo's "China" it would appear that the above 
Chinese name referred to the author of that book. Alvarez de Semedo, a 
Portuguese, born 1585, arrived in China in 1613, died at Macao 1658. On 
pp. 310-338 he gives a detailed account of the persecution and expulsion 
of tlie Jesuit missionaries from Nan king in 161 7. He was himself then 
imprisoned by order of the Chinese authorities and sent to Canton. But 
three years later, after changing his Chinese name, he succeeded in estab- 
lishing himself once more at Nan king. The list of the Jesuit Fathers 
gives Lu Te chao as Semedo's Chinese name. 

"■** See "China Review," v. 227. 

**'*' Between Toksun and Kharashar (Russian map). 

*"• Kumi/sh of the Russian map, between Subashi and Kharashar. 


indeed the way by which the numerous embassies and 
commercial caravans from the various countries of Western 
Asia used to proceed to China. Even the embassies from 
Badakhshan seem to have preferred this route to the 
shorter way passing by Khotan and Lopnor, on account 
probably of the great deserts the traveller has to cross in 
the latter direction. This fact is confirmed also by the 
narratives of Shah Eok's embassy to China (1420), and 
Hadji Mohammed's account of Cathay (1550). Goes (be- 
ginning of the seventeenth century), on his memorable 
journey from India through Badakhshan and the Pamir to 
China, passed also from Yarhand to Aksn, Cucia (Kucha), 
Cialis (Kharashar), Turfan, Kamul (Hami), Chiaicuan 
(Kia yu kuan), and from this latter place at the Chinese 
frontier reached Socieu (Su chou), where he died, April 
II, 1607. 

In the days of Mongol supremacy in Asia, however, in 
the thirteenth century down to the reign of Kublai Khan 
(1260), the great line of communication between Eastern 
and Western Asia lay along the northern slope of the 
T'ien shan mountains. Karakorum was at that time the 
residence of the Mongol khans, and this way was indeed 
the shortest from the Mongol capital to Transoxiana and 
Persia {Karakorum, Altai, BisKbalik (Urumtsi), Sairam 
lake, Almalik (Kuldja), Chu river, Tolas, Sairam, Tash- 
kend, Samarkand. (See Part L, " Chinese Mediaeval Tra- 

After Kashgar, we meet in our Chinese itinerary a series 
of names of places for which I have not been able to trace 
any corroboration elsewhere, and then five names appear 
which are easily recognised as those of five cities of 
Eerghana, viz., Andidjan, Sharikhana, Marghilan, Ush, and 
Kanihadam. Erom Eerghana we are led to Herat, but 
before reaching this city the road-book notices a number 
of names of places situated north and south of the road, 
amongst which we recognise the city of Kaluga, coupled 
with the Iron gate (see p. 274), and the cities of Kunduz, 


Klmlm, Balhh, And/mi. After Herat we have Merv, Bok- 
hara, Samarkand, and many other names unknown to me. 
The rest of the itinerary is very dark and confused. 
Among the numerous geographical names appearing in it, 
I can trace with more or less certainty only the following 
places : — Badakhshan, Bastam, Astrahad, Shiraz, Isfahan, 
SuUania, Tabriz, and four months' journey west of the 
latter, K^u-sz'-dan (Constantinople). Hence we are trans- 
ported to Bagdad, and then taken to Mecca, Medina, Mi- 
sz-rh (Egypt). From Egypt the itinerary turns to Asia 
Minor; at least among the cities mentioned farther on 
we can recognise Siwas, Atina, Angora, Kutahieh, Brussa. 
After Brussa the sea is mentioned, with big men-of-war 
navigating in it. The city last spoken of in the itinerary 
is Lu-mi, 1400 li west of Brussa. It seems that Borne is 


Abaca, Mongol prince, ii. 17. 
Abdur Rahman, 272. 
Aber Sibir, see Sibir and Ibir Sibir. 
Abhar, in Persia, 171 ; ii. 113. 
Abisgun island, Caspian Sea, 280 ; 

ii. 104. 
Abiverd, see Baverd. 
Abkhazi, nation, 304. 
Abu Djafar, Calif, 265. 
Abu Said, Ilkhan of Persia, ii. 6, 

10, 140. 
Abu Said, Sultan, Timurid, ii. 264, 

265, 272. 
Abuhan, mountain in N.W. Mon- 
golia, 60, 99. 
Abul Abbas, Calif, 265. 
Aden, 145 ; ii. 305, 306. 
Aderkend (Uzkend), ii. 51. 
Adjen, near Kukonor, ii. 206, 208. 
Adjighi, Mongol prince, ii. 27. 
A-duan, near N. Tibet, ii. 208. 
Aghovans, see Albania. 
Agnus scythicus, 154. 
Aguta, first Kin emperor, 28, 224. 
Ahmed, Sultan of Turfan, ii. 182, 

196, 200. 
Ahmed, Sultan, Timurid, ii. 265. 
Ahmed, minister of Kubilai Khan, 

Ahmed, Jelair of Bagdad, ii. 141. 
Airnal guju (Emil), ii. 43, 229. 
Ai-sie (Joseph ?), 144. 
Akdaria, canal near Samarkand, 77. 
Akhsiket, in Ferghana, ii. 52. 
Akserai, palace in Kesh, ii. 273. 
Aksu, ii. 200, 232-235, 330, 331. 
Aladji Bighi, Chinghiz' dauj^hter, 

249, 261. 

Ala-eddin Mohammed, Ismaelian, 

116, 135, 136. 
Ala-eddin, prince of Rum, 166. 
Ala-eddin, Persian engineer, 274. 
Alakul, lake, 125, 126 ; ii. 229, 231. 
Alakush tikin kuri, Ongut chief, 

184, 269. 
Alamut, castle, in the Elburz, 115, 

118 ; ii. 108-1 10. 
Alans, nation, 295, 298, 299, 305 ; 

ii. 84-90, 
Alashan mountain, S.W. Mongolia, 

Alatau mountains, 73, 129, 169. 
Albania, on the Caspian, 167 ; ii. 

119, 120. 
Algu, Mongol prince, 18, 161 ; ii. 

16, 34- 
Alemdar, Mongol general, 158, 159. 
Alexander Nevsky, Russian prince, 

ii. 76, 77. 
Alexander's chain mountains, W. 

Turkestan, 74, 228. 
Ali, Sultan, of Turfan, ii. 181, I95. 
A-li-sien, 44, 81. 
Allium, onions, 51, 56, 59. 
Almalik, city, 17, 69, 98, 99, 114, 

127, 162, 169; ii. 9, 33-39, 231. 
Almonds, 20, 80 ; ii. 290. 
Aloe-wood, 139. 
Altai mountains, 13, 99, 102. 
Altan horhuan mountains, Hindu- 

kush, 291. 
Altum bighi, Chinghiz' daughter, 261. 
Altyn Khan, Mongol, ii. 156. 
Alugu horses, ii. 264, 309. 
Aluhuan mountains, W. Mongolia, 




Alut'ai, Mongol minister, ii. 163. 
Ambergris, 152. 

Amol, in Mazenderan, 280 ; ii. 107. 
Amol (Amuyeh), onthe Djihon, 171; 

ii. 62. 
Amu river, Amudaria, 22, 77, 80, 

82, 85, 92, 94, 116, 132, 171, 290 ; 

ii. 62, 275. 
Amuyeh, see Amol. 
An Cbi tao, Chinese envoy, ii. 144, 

Anbar, near Bagdad, 119; ii. 123, 

Andedjan, Andegan, Ferghana, ii. 

227, 230, 233, 255, 331. 
Anderab, Hindukush, 86 ; ii. 99. 
Andkhui, Andkud, ii. 147, 275, 332. 
Andrade. Portuguese, ii. 317. 
Angar aryk, canal near Samarkand, 

Angara, river, ii. 37. 

Angora, ii. 332. 

Annagoondy, realm in India, ii. 221. 

Annam, 186, 190. 

An-si (Parthia), 144, 264. 

An-ting, in N.E. Tibet, ii. 205. 

An-tun (Antony), 144. 

Ao-lu-t'un, headquarters, 132. 

Aoul, 132. 

Apaoki, first Liao emperor, 208, 256. 

Aqueducts in Persia, 133. 

Arabia, ii. 294. 

Arabs, 214, 264, 265. 

Araxes, river, 171. 

Arghamak horses, 140; ii. 125,264, 

Argun, Mongol governor in Persia, 

Argun, Mongol prince, ii. 17. 

Argun, river, 269. 

A-rh-dji, drug, 131. 

Arjatu, mountains near Iliriv, ii, 

Arikbuga, Mongol prince, 113, 158; 

ii. 34. 
Arpaiazi, in Moghulistan, ii. 227. 
Arran, in Tran-caucasia, ii. 119. 
Arslan, Uigur princes, 242, 244, 

Arnlan, Karluk prince, 277. 
Aryg, affluent of Syrdaria, 171. 
AHa foBtidtt, 85 ; ii. 193, 254. 
A»e«, nee Alans. 
A-Hi-rh, drug, 131. 
A«on, city in W. Turkestan, 170. 
Ajjparah, in Moghulistan, ii. 252. 

Assassins, 135. 
Asses, wild, 3r. 
Assutai, Mongol general, 162; ii. 


Astrabad, ii. 332. 

Atabegs of Ears, 145, 146 ; ii. 128. 

Atapasha, Atbashi, river in Turkes- 
tan, 163 ; ii. 50, 227. 

Atil, see Etil. 

Atina, in Asia Minor, ii. 332. 

Atsiz, Khorazm Shah, 229. 

Aulieata, in W. Turkestan, 19, 74, 

Ayur balibatra, Mongol emperor, ii. 

Bab-ul-avab (Derbend), ii. 115. 
Bachman, Kipchak chief, 310, 312. 
Bactriana, ii. 100, 10 1. 
Badakhshan, 233, 280; ii. 65, 147, 

276, 332. 
Badan hing (almonds), ii. 290. 
Bagdad, 118, 119, 120, 122, 138, 

139 ; ii. 123, 332. 
Bahadur, 279. 

Baharain, Persian Gulf, 146; ii. 130. 
Bai, near Aksu, ii. 232, 315. 
Baidar, Mongol prince, 309, 318, 

Baidju, Mongol general, 113, 118, 

166, 171. 
Baikal, lake, 32. 

Balan (Kandy badam, q.v.), 19, 20. 
Balan tree (almond), 20, 80. 
Bakalan, in the Hindukush, 283. 
Baldjuna, in Transbaikalia, 269. 
Ba-li-mang, in Turkestan, ii. 45. 
Balkh, 23, 93, 279, 2S0, 283, 286, 

2S8, 292 ; ii. 100, 332. 
Balsamine plant, 30. 
Bam, in S. Persia, ii. 96. 
Bamboo, 85. 
Bamian, 93, 283 ; ii. 96. 
Ba-p'u (Pap), 19. 
Bar, Sultan of, 141. 
Barakut, Sherif of Mecca, ii. 297. 
Barcliin, in W. Turkestan, 170, 285. 
Bardaa, in Transcaucasia, ii. 119. 
liardasir, in S. Persia, 147. 
Bardjuk, Uigur prince, 247, 260. 
Barkai, Mongol prince, 311 ; ii. 16. 
Barkhalighkend, in W. Turkestan, 

170, 278, 285, 291 ; ii. 95. 
Barkiil, in Dsungaria, ii. 191, 310. 
Barserdjan in Tin-kcstan, 228. 
Bartas, nation, 311. 



Bashkirs, 306, 326-328. 

Baskaks, Mongol officers, ii. 78. 

Bastam, see Bestam. 

Ba-sz'-ba, Tibetan Lama, ii. 23, 221. 

Batavia, ii. 321. 

Batu Khan, 165, 167, 300, 308, 311, 

318, 322, 324; ii. II, 15, 141. 
Baverd, in Khorasan, 271 ; ii. 102. 
Bayan Chincsan, Mongol general, 

Bayan Fenchan, governor of Zaitun, 

Bayaut, tribe, 303. 
Beibars, Egyptian general, 141. 
Beitullah in Mecca, 141. 
Bela, Mongol general, 287, 290, 293. 
Bela, king of Hungary, 323, 324. 
Belasagun, capital of the Karakhitai, 

18, 226, 252, 257. 
Benaket on the Sihun, 278 ; ii. 253. 
Berkai, Mongol officer, ii. 80. 
Beruan, see Parvan. 
Berulas, triba, ii. 40, 257. 
Be shan, see Po shan. 
Bestan, in Khorasan, 117, 1 71, 332. 
Bichikchi, see Bitikchi. 
Bijanagur, realm in India, ii. 221. 
Bilgutei, Chinghiz' brother, 189. 
Bilidju, river in Tibet, ii. 207, 209. 
Birch trees, 57. 
Bishbalik (Urumtsi), 15, 65, 124, 

160, 168, 212, 229, 230, 246, 248, 

258 ; ii. 27-30, 147, 148. 
Bishbalik (Moghulistan), ii. 225 seq. 
Bitikchi, Mongol secretary, ii. 80. 
Black stone of the Kaaba, ii. 302. 
Bo-a-rh-hin-t'ai, Chinese envoy, ii. 

185, 245, 262, 280, 281, 292. 
Bocca, coiffure of Mongol ladies, 53. 
Bogdo ola, sacred mountain near 

Urumtsi, 67 ; ii. 29, 168, 189. 
Boghra Khan, of E. Turkestan, 252, 

Bogtak, see Bocca. 
Bokhara, 22, 1 7 1, 278, 285,289-291 ; 

ii. 61, 147, 271, 332. 
Bokhshas (Mokhshas), nation in E. 

Russia, 311. 
Bolanghi, falconers, 188. 
Bolortagh, mountains, ii. 66. 
Borak, Mongol prince, ii. 16. 
Borak Hadjib of Kerman, 147. 
Borokhoro mountains, in Dsun- 

garia, 17, 29, 69. 
Borotala, valley in Dsnngaria, 68. 
Bust, in Seistan, 293 ; ii. 97. 

Brussa, ii. 332. 

Buddha, 137. 

Budjek, Mongol prince, 308, 310, 

Bughur, in E. Turkestan, 16. 
Buku, Khan of the Uigurs, 214, 226, 

240, 247, 254-256. 
Bulgaria, on the Volga, 295, 300, 

305' 307. 309 ; ii- 81-84. 
Bulgaria, on the Danube, 32*9 ; ii. 

82, 83. 
Bulgun river, in Dsungaria, 64, 99. 
Bu-lie-sa-li, in Dsungaria, 162. 
Bulunghir river, in Kan su, ii. 182. 
Bulun tokhoi, in Dsungaria, 14, 124. 
Burgudji, Chinghiz' general, 81. 
Buri, Mongol prince, 308, 3 II, 315, 

318, 333, 334. 
Burma, 190. 

Bursbay, Sultan, of Egypt, ii. 308. 
Burtasses, nation, 311. 
Buruldai, Mongol general, 319, 322. 
Bu-sa-yin, Abu Said, ii. 6. 
Bussurman (Mussulman), 70, 269 ; 

ii. 78. 
Buya ketver, in Hindukush, 283. 
Buyiir Lake, in N.E. Mongolia, 

48, 50 ; ii. 163. 
Byzantine empire, ii. 323. 

Calatchinalt, in E. Mongolia, 44. 

Calendar, Chinese and Mohamme- 
dan, ii. 300, 328. 

Calif of Bagdad, 118-122, 138, 139. 

Camels, one-humped, 31 ; wild, 16S; 
ii. 234. 

Canton, i. 187 ; ii. 296, 316. 

Carajang (Yunnan), 121, 183, 184, 

Carassius fish, 125. 

Caravanseries in Turkestan, 13 1. 

Carrier-pigeons, 151. 

Casern of M. Polo, 234. 

Caspian Sea, 297, 312. 

Catapults, 134, 274. 

Cat's-eye, stone, 175. 

Caucasus, 297, 317; ii. 27, 115. 

Caucasian wall, ii. 115-119. 

Celestial mountains, 13, 65. 

Chabar, Mongol prince, ii. 9. 

Chach, Tashkend, ii. 55. 

Chaganjang, Yiinnan, 184. 

Chagannor lake, W. Mongolia, 57. 

Chagatai, second son of Chinghiz, 
69, 80, 89, 99, 277, 2S6, 289 ; ii. 
7, II, 16. 



Chakcha river, near Iron gate, 84. 
Chalish, Kharashar, ii. 200, 229, 

315. 330, 331- 
Chalnia, turban, ii. 242. 
Chameleon, 136. 
Champa country, 190. 
Ch'an river, see Djem. 
Chang chou, near Amoy, 187 ; ii. 

Cli ang chou, in S. Mongolia, 48. 
Ch'ang ch'un, Chinese mediaeval 

traveller, 35 ; death, 107, 108. 
Chang ho si, in Tibet, ii. 224. 
Chang K'ien, Chinese general, 32, 

Ch'ang po shan, mountains in Man- 
churia, ii. 176. 
Chang ye, ancient military district, 

Kan su, ii. 212. 
Charchan, E. Turkestan, 263. 
Chard jui, on the Amu river, 171 ; 

ii. 62. 
Charmogun, Mongol general, 112, 

140, 300. 
Chebe, Mongol general, 125, 233, 

279, 287, 289-292, 294, 297, 298. 
Ch'e-ch"e-li-tse-la, mountain in 

Dsungaria, 162. 
Ch'en Ch'eng, Chinese envoy, ii. 

Chenhai, Mongol minister, 60, 81. 
Cheng Ho, Chinese envoy, ii, 142. 
Ch'e shi, ancient kingdom, Uiguria, 

244 ; ii. 1 86. 
Chialis, see Chalish. 
Chicheklik, defile in Moghulistan, 

ii. 229. 
Ch'i-ghin, in Kansu, ii. 21 1. 
Chilota river, "W. Mongolia, 57. 
Chimkend, in W. Turkestan, 74 ; 

ii. 250. 
Ch'i-mu-rh, in Dsungaria, 127. 
Chin, China, see Sin. 
Chinaz, on the Syrdaria, 75 ; ii. 260. 
Chinbudje, river in Turkestan, 231. 
Chincheo, Chang chou, ii. 317. 
Chingcai, Mongol minister, 60. 
Chinghiz Khan, 42, 185 ; gown of, 

37; death, 157. 
Chin kiang fu, Christian monument 

at, ii. t)0. 
Chingkim, son of Kubilai Khan, 189. 
Chirchik, river near Tashkend, 96. 
Chlorophane, 8t(me, Egypt 142. 
Chogatu river, W. Persia, ii. 122, 
ChoroH, Oirat tribe, ii. 171. 

Christians, 67, 268. 
Chrysoberyl, 175. 

Chu, Chui, river, Turkestan, 18, 71, 
72, 98, 129, 130, 227, 301 ; ii. 142. 
Chuan, see Tuanbala. 
Ch'u-bu-rh, Turkestan, 162. 
Chung lu, see Liu Chung lu. 
Chung tu, Peking, 26. 
Chupan ata, hill near Samarkand, 

Churche, see Kin dynasty. 
Ch\ivashes, nation, 312. 
Chu wang, Mongol princes, ii. 12. 
Circassians, 295, 305, 316; ii. 90. 
Civet cat, 149. 
Cloves, 146. 

Coiffure of Mongol ladies, 52, 53. 
Coilum, 191. 
Coins in Turkestan, 128. 
Comans, see Kumans, 
Conchi, Mongol prince, ii. 15. 
Constantine, Russian prince, ii. 76. 
Constantinople, ii. 135, 332. 
Corals, 87, 151. 
Corundum, stone, ^74, 175. 
Cotton, 21, 70 ; ii. 192. 
Cranagore, 19 1. 
Crimea, ii. 84 ; Khanate of, ii. 79, 

Crocodiles, 152. 
Cuncrats, Mongol tribe, 213. 
Cyminosma, tree, 139. 

Dabysten daban, defile, Altai 

mountains, 14, 62. 
Dakianus, king (Decius), ii. 188. 
Damascus, ii. 136, 309. 
Daraghan, 133, 171, 279; ii. no, 

Damiette, ii. 136. 
Danishmend, learned man, 90. 
Danube, river, 331. 
Daran, in Khorazm, ii. 63. 
Dargan, channel, near Samarkand, 

77, 78- 

Dariel, defile, Caucasus, 317; ii. 85. 

Daruga, darugachi, Mongol gover- 
nors, 70, 138, 190, 28S, 293 ; 
ii. 186. 

Dates, Persian fruit, ii. 1 34. 

Dehistan, ii. 104. 

Deilem, in the Elburz, Ii8; ii. 108. 

Delhi, 282. 

Demavend, Mount, Persia, 1 17. 

Derbend, on the Caspian Sea, 167, 
294,316; u. 115., 




Desht Kipchak, see Kipchak. 
Devatdar, minister of the Calif, 1 19, 

Dhafar, in Arabia, ii. 305. 
Diamonds, 140, 151. 
Dilem, see Deilem. 
Dja-ba-rh, Mongol general, 273. 
Djadjerats, Mongol tribe, 213. 
Dja-ma-la-ding, Persian astrono- 
mer, 274. 
Djambalik, in Dsungaria, 67, 1 60, 

169 ; ii. 32. 
Djanibeg, Mongol prince, ii. 15. 
Djebo, see Chebe. 
Djelal-eddin, Khorazm Shah, 278, 

287, 290, 292. 
Djelanashkul lake, in Dsungaria, 

Djem river, near the Irtysh, 230, 

249, 261. 
Djem.shid, vase of, ii. 260. 
Djend, on the Sihun, 277, 278 ; ii. 

Djihun, see Amu. 

Djinkshi, Khan of the Middle Em- 
pire, ii. 81. 
Djizak, 75, '/6, 171. 
Djokdjoran river (Herirut), 286, 

Djordjanieh, see Urghendj. 
Djuchi, Chinghiz' eldest son, 189, 

285, 289; ii. 7, 13, 15. 
Djurdjan, ii. 105. 
Dmitry Donskoi, grand duke of 

Moscow, ii, 78. 
Dniepr river, 307. 
Dogs, Tibethan, ii. 23. 
Dogan, in N. Tibet, ii. 203, 224. 
Dodjeil, canal near Bagdad, 1 19. 
Dromedaries, 150, 151. 
Dsapkhan, river in Dsungaria, 100, 

Dsungars, nation, ii. 159, 171, 172. 
Dsungarian desert, 64. 
Dua, Mongol prince, ii. 9. 
Dugong, sea-beast, 153. 
Dure Timur, Khan of the Middle 

Empire, ii. 6, lo, 14. 
Durben Oirat, ii. 169, 170. 
Dutch, ii. 320. 

Ebony, 139. 

Echmiadzin, monastery, 166. 
Eclipse observed at the Kerulun,5l. 
Eder river, 58, 259. 
Ef e = son-in-law of the emperor, 115. 

Egypt, 141, 142 ; ii. 135, 308, 332. 

Elgeagnus, ii. 179, 214. 

Elephants, 31, 79. 

Eleuths, ii. 159. 

El Hasa, ii. 306. 

Elias Khodja, Khan of Moghulistan, 
ii. 226. 

Elm trees in Mongolia, 47. 

Emeralds, 174. 

Emil, river and city in Dsungaria, 
29, 125, 160, 161, 168, 226, 298 ; 
ii. 8, 42, 229. 

Erbil, 120. 

Erdenidsu, monastery near the 
Orkhon, 123. 

Erdebil, 294. 

Esferain, 279, 

Eshnass, 278, 286. 

Etil, Volga river, 165, 306, 310. 

Etrak gheul, great lake in Moghul- 
istan, ii. 231. 

Etsina, river in Kan su, 159, 212 ; ii. 

Falconers of the Mongol Khans, 

Ean ch'eng, near Siang yang fu, ii. 

Farab, Otrar, 253 ; ii. 57. 
Fars, ii. 128. 

Fast of the Persians, 74, 90. 
Felis caracal, 127 ; ii. 266, 308. 
Fenaket, see Benaket. 
Fen chou, in Shansi, 127. 
Feng chou, in S. Mongolia, 104. 
Ferenghi, Franks, 142-144 ; ii. 316 
Ferghana, ii. 53. 
Field of the white bones, S^. 
Fire mountain, near Turfan, ii. 184, 

190, 202. 
Foot-runners of the Great Khan, 

Formosa, ii. 320, 322. 
Franks, 142, 144; ii. 316. 
Fu chou, in S. Mongolia, 40, 46 ; 

in Fukien, 187. 
Fu-lang, Franks, 142 ; ii. 316. 
Fu-lin, Byzantine emperor, 143, 

144 ; ii. 323. 
Fu yii, in Manchuria, ii. 1 73. 

Gan pu, Chinese seaport, 187. 
Garnet, stcme, 173. 
Georgia, 294, 299. 
Gerfalcons, ii. 2S3, 2S4. 




Ghazan, Khan of Persia, ii. 12, 13, 

17 ' 
Ghazna, 279-281 ; ii. 68. 
Glieuk topa, near Almalik, 99 ; ii. 

34, 227, 230. 
Ghilan, 280 ; ii. loS. 
Ghi-li-rh, in Persia, 136. 
Ghirdkuh, castle, near Damghan, 

116, 121, 122, 133, 134; ii. 110. 
Ghiznin, see Ghazna. 
Gobi desert, 47. 
Golden Horde, ii. 8, 75, 14I. 
Grapes in Turfan, 65. 
Guchluk, Naiman prince, 130, 218, 

230, 233. 
Gu balik, 226, 257. 
Gu-du-si, serpent's horns, 153. 
Gu-gn, coiffure of Mongol ladies, 52, 

Guk, see Gheuk topa. 
Gunaun kurgan, in the Hindukush, 

283, 288, 290, 293. 
Gurgan, see Djurdjan. 
Gurkhan, 216, 225, 235 ; ii. 256. 

Ham AD AN, 118, 120, 294. 
Ha-mei-li, in W, Mongolia, ii. 2ig. 
Hami, 16, 163; ii. 20, 147, 148, 176, 

330, 331. 
Han-dung, military district, ii. 218, 

Hang chou, 187. 
Han-hai, Mongolian desert, 15, 123 ; 

ii. 144, 191. 
Han-nu, envoy of the Kin, 219, 222, 

Hantum, Mongol, minister, ii. 36. 
Hartshorn, ii. 180, 192. 
Harun al Rashid, 265. 
Hei lin, near the Caucasus, 299. 
Hei lung kiang, Amur river, ii. 173. 
Hei shui, sec Etsina river, 159, 212. 
Hemerocallis, flowers, 51. 
Henna, Lawsonia, 30. 
Herat, Heri, 28, 30, 281, 286, 290, 

292 ; ii. 145, 147, 278, 287. 
Herirut, river, 286. 
Hia, Tangut empire, 27, 38, 58, I04, 

184, 221. 
Hia-kia-8z', Kirghizes, 102, 241. 
Hia shui, lake in S. Mongolia, 105. 
HiudukuKh mountains, 80, 82, 282. 
HinduKtan, 23, 30, 137, 138, 146, 

151, IS5; ii. 25. 
HiKMur, 84. 
Hibi»ar-Shaduman, ii. 315. 

Hiung-nn, nation, 15, 32, 38 ; ii. 178. 

Ho, see Yellow river. 

Ho-bo, in Dsungaria, 161. 

Ho chou, see Huo chou, in Sz ch'uan, 

Ho chung fu, Samarkand, 88. 
Ho-dji, in Dsungaria, 298 ; ii. 43. 
Ho hu, son of Kuyuk Khan, 160. 
Ho-la-siao (Uliassutai), 59. 
Ho-lin Karakorum (q.v.), 54, 159, 

247, 302 ; ii. 162, 222. 
Hoi wan, 119. 
Hormuz, ii. 89, 130. 
Horses, western, 140 ; ii. 125, 264, 


Horses, wild, in the Dsungarian 
desert, 168. 

Ho si, Tangut. 78, 176, 185, 250. 

Ho-sz'-mai-li, Ismael, 226, 233, 298, 

Ho tung, in Mongolia, 221. 

Hu, western barbarians, 142. 

Huai an, in N. China, 105. 

Huan chou, in S, Mongolia, 40. 

Huan-dja-sun, in Dsungaria, 162. 

Huang ho. Yellow river (q.v.), ii. 
191, 204. 

Hu-djin-bighi, Chinghiz' daughter, 

Hu-dji-rh, in Dsungaria, 161, 298. 

Hui ho, Hui hu, Uigurs, 236-240. 

Hui ho, Hui hu, Hui hui, Moham- 
medans. 29, 30, 267. 

Hulagu, Ilkhanof Persia, 109, 1 13; 
his conquest of Persia, 112 seq., 
121, 122, 169, 172; ii. 10, 17. 

Hun ba sheng, Turkestan, 162, 

Hungarians, 305, 323, 326-328. 

Hunger desert, W. of the Sihun, ii. 

Hun hoj river in N. China, 105. 
Hung wu, first Ming emperor, ii. 

139, 143, 257, 260. 
Hun mu-lien, Dsapkhan river, 124. 
Huo bu, in Dsungaria, 161. 
Huo Chou, Karakhodjo (q. v.), 16, 32, 

65, 221, 222, 242; ii. 147, 186. 
Huonyen = prince. Kin language, 

Huo yen shan, see Fire mountain. 
Hussar, 92. 
Hu t'ung lU, Populus euphratica, ii. 

179, 192, 214. 
Hu-sz'-wo-Iu-do, Hu-sz'-wa-rh-do, 

capital of the Karakhitai, iS, 216, 

222, 226. 



Hu-tun, in Uiguria, 212. 
Hyenas, 149. 

Iaik river, 167, 300, 301, 306. 

laxartes, see Syrdaria. 

Ibir Sibir, 129; ii. 8S. See also 

Ibrahim, Sultan of Fars, ii. 292. 
I chou, Haini, ii. 16, 163, 177, 185. 
Idikut, Uii,mr, title, 247, 259, 260. 
Hal, in Mazenderan, 280. 
Ilek Khan, Uigur, 253. 
Hi river, 17, 69, 98, 162, 169, 226, 

227 ; ii. 34, 227, 229. 
I-li, Herat ? 30. 
Ilibalik, city, Dsungaria, 28, 169 ; 

ii. 44. 
Ilibalik = Moghulistan, ii. 144, 148, 

225, 241. 
Ilkhans of Persia, ii. 10, 140 ; of 

Turkestan, 252. 
Imil, see Emil. 
Iinil Khodja, Khan of Moghulistan, 

ii. 241. 
Inaldjuk Gair, Khan in Otrar, 276, 

India, ii. 25. See also Hindustan. 
Indus river, see Sindh. 
Irak Adjemi, 171. , 
Iron gate, south of Kesh, 81-84, 91, 

286, 292; ii. 274, 331. 
Iron gate, in Dsungaria (Talki), 

126; ii. 34, 35. 
Irtysh river, 14, 15, 167, 230, 249, 
277, 291 ; ii. 229, 231 : Black 
Irtysh, 124. 
Isan buka. Khan of Moghulistan, 

ii, 226. See also Issenbuka. 
Isan buka II., Khan of Moghulistan, 

ii. 234, 241. 
Isfahan, ii. 112, 145, 291, 332. 
Isfidjab (Sairam), 74, 226 ; ii. 94. 
Ismael, Persian engineer, 273. 
Ismael, tomb of, in Mecca, ii. 303. 
Ismaelians, 115, 133. 
Issen buka, ii. 14. >S'e6alsoIsan buka. 
Issen Timur, Mongol prince, ii. 14. 
Issikul, lake, 227, 301 ; ii. 228, 230, 

Italy, ii. 324. 

I-tu, mountain in Turkestan, 129. 
I-wu-lu (Harai), 16; ii. 177, 178. 

Jade stone, 16 ; ii. 297. 
Jalis, see Chalis. 
Japan, 190. 

Jarun, in Moghulistan, ii. 227. 

Jasmin, 131. 

Jasper, 151, 152. 

Java, 190; ii. 319, 323. 

Jerboas, ii. 192. 

Jesuit missionaries, ii. 324. 

Jetes, Moghulistan, ii. 140, 225 seq. 

Juan juan, tribes, 15. 

Jujubes, 132. 

Juniperus tree, 14. 

Kaaba, in Mecca, 141 ; ii. 302, 303. 

Kabul, 282; ii. 67. 

Kabushan, 117, 279. 

Kadan, Mongol prince, 308, 311, 

315, 318, 324, 325, 330, 333. 
Kaidu, Mongol prince, ii. 8, 9, 35. 
Kailak, see Kayalik, 
Kai Ii po lake, S. Mongolia, 46., 
Kain, in Kuhistan, ii. 96. 
Kais, see Kish. 
Kalam, Persian pen, 32. 
Kalan tashi, Tashkend, 283, 285. 
Kalgan, 45. 
Kalikut, ii. 295, 305. 
Kalka river, in Russia, 295-298; ii, 

Kalladj, tribe, ii. 73. 
Kalmuks,ii. 139, 159, 167, 235, 236. 
Kalugha, see Kolugha. 
Kamar-eddin, chief, Moghulistan, 

ii. 226, 228, 230, 236, 245. 
Kambala, grandson of KubilaiKhan, 

Kambalik (Peking), ii, 232. 
Kam landju, in N.W. Mongolia, 

259, 260. 
Kams, sorcerers, 255, 257. 
Kamul (Hami, q. v.), ii. 20, 14 j., 

176, 177, 183. 
Kan chou, 159, 214, 241 ; ii. 188, 

205, 218, 296, 307, 313. 
K'ang-kti, Samarkand, ii. 59, 256, 
Kankalys, Kankly, 28, 223, 229, 

299, 301-304. 
Kanybadam, in Ferghana, 19, 20; 

ii- 331. 
Kao ch'ang, Uiguria, i6, 244 seq., 

252 ; ii. 144, 186. 
Kao ch'e, Kao kii, nation, 238, 302. 
Kapchak, see Kipchak. 
Kaptagai, in Dsungaria, 126. 
Karabagh, near the Araxes, iL 1 20, 

Karabuka, Mongol general, 159, 

162; ii. 34. 



Karabulak, in Moghulistan, ii. 229. 
Karachuk mountains, in Turkestan, 

170; ii. 227, 228. 
Kara daria, canal near Samarkand, 

Karajang, see Carajang. 
Karadjar, son of Ogotai, ii. 44. 
Kara Hulagu, Mongol prince, 114, 

161 ; ii. 16. 
Karakhanids, 252. 
Kara khitai, 18, 72, 129, 167, 208- 

236 ; of Kerman, 147. 
Karakhodjo {see also Huo chou), 16, 

32, 163, 221, 222, 246, 260; ii. 30, 

31, 144, 147. 186, 229, 232, 320. 
Karakol, see Felis caracal. 
Karakorum (see also Ho-lin), 54, 

114, 122, 158, 159,214,247, 254, 

256, 259, 302 ; ii. 8, 37, 162. 
Kara muren, Yellow river, 185. 
Karangutak mountains, near Kho- 

tan, ii. 233, 249. 
Karatal, in Moghulistan, ii. 231. 
Karatash, in Moghulistan, ii. 229. 
Karatau mountains, in Turkestan, 

170 ; ii. 227, 228. 
Karaul (Kia yii kuan), ii. 232. 
Karaun Kabdjal, in Mongolia, 291. 
Karluks, 28, 230, 241 ; ii. 39-41. 
Kars, 166. 
Karshi, in Transoxiana, ii. 61 ; 

suburb of Bagdad, 138; ii. 123. 
Karuha, river in N. Mongolia, 52, 

Kasaks, in Turkestan, ii. 142. 
Kasan, in Ferghana, 19 ; ii. 52. 
Kash (Kesh), S. of Samarkand, 82, 

91, 115 ; ii. 147, 257, 273. 
Kashan, in Persia, ii. 112. 
Kashgar, 162, 229, 231, 234, 248, 

252 ; ii. 46-47, 140, 147, 230-234, 

246, 330. 
Kashi (Tangut), 18$. 
Kashmir, 137, 138, 305 ; ii. 26. 
Kasogi, nation, ii. 85. 
Kassakh (Ossets), 305. 
Kastek pass, 73, 129, 169. 
Kath, in Khorazm, ii. 63. 
Kayalik, in Turkestan, 126; ii. 37, 

Kazan, Khanate of, ii. 79, 142. 
Kazerun, in Fara, ii. 129. 
Kazvin, 118, 171, 279, 294; ii. 110. 
Kttlapin, in Moghulistan, ii. 231. 
Kwhir = king of Hungary, 305, 306, 

329. 331. 

Kelef, on the Amu river, 92. 

Kem, Kemchik, Kemkemdjut, Up- 
per Yenissei river, 10 1, 102 ; ii. 

Kentai mountains, in N. Mongolia, 

Kerduan, 92, 93, 282. 

Kerman, 147, 175, 176 ; ii. 290. 

Kermaneh, in Maverannahr, 171, 
216, 226. 

Kerman shahan, 119 ; ii. 126. 

Kerulun river, 49, 50, 51, 54, 192, 

Kesh, see Kash. 

Khalgagol, river in E. Mongolia, 50. 

Khalil, Sultan of Samarkand, ii. 

Khan, 239 ; ii. 265. 

Khangai, mountains in W. Mon- 
golia, 57. 

Khar, in N. Persia, 117. 

Khara balgasun, in S. Mongolia, 46. 

Kharashar, see Chalish and Yenki. 

Khata, Khatai, 209, 225, 232 ; ii. 

Khazars, ii. 93. 

Khevek pass, Hindukush, 288. 

Khitai, see Khata. 

Khizr Khodja, Khan of Moghulis- 
tan, ii. 228, 235, 239. 

Khodaidad, Amyr of Kashgar, ii. 
226, 241, 245 ; Timur's general, 
ii. 261. 

Khodja, title, 273. 

Khodjend, city, 19, 232, 278 ; ii. 

54 ; river, 75, 96, 

11. 254. 

Khokand, ii. 53. 

Khorasan, 171, 281 ; ii. 272. 

Khorazm, ii. 91. 

Khorazm Shah, 215. 

Khortitsa, river in Russia, 296. 

Khoshots, Kalmuk tribe, ii. 170, 

Khotan, 16, 229, 231, 234, 248, 252 ; 

ii. 47, 148, 209, 213, 232, 233, 

246, 247. 
Khotelan, ii. 277, 315. 
Khovar, in N. Persia, 117 ; ii. 107. 
Khovarezm, see Khorazm. 
Khudu, Merkit prince, ii. 72. 
Khulm, ii. 332. 
Khutukbai, in Dsungaria, 169; ii. 

Kia yii kuan, Chinese W. frontier, 

267 ; ii. 144, 148, 177, 314, 331. 
Kiang, Tibetans, ii. 22. 



Kiao chou, Huo chou, 248. 
Kiao ho, Karakhodjo, ii. 29, 189. 
Kien kien chou, on the Upper 

Yenissei, loi. 
Kiev, 307, 318-320. 
Ki lin, unicorn, ii. 134, 295. 
Kilung, Formosa, ii. 322, 323. 
Kin dynasty, 35, 158, 224; ii. 175. 
Kin-ch'a, Kipchak (q.v.), 23 ; ii. 68. 
Kin ling, mountains near Urumtsi, 

ii. 29. 
Kin shan, Altai mountains, 13, 

62, 99, 102. 
King yiian, Ningpo, 187. 
Kipchak, 23, 295, 297, 300, 304, 

312 ; ii. 8, 68-73, 75, 141. 
Kipin, Kabul, ii. 67, 256. 
Kirghizes, 28, 102, 129, 186, 225, 

229, 241. 
Kish, in the Persian Gulf, ii. 129. 
Kishm, Casern (q.v.), ii. 99 ; island, 

Persian Gulf, ii. 130. 
K'i-tan dynasty, 78, 129, 208 ; 

cities in Mongolia, 54; letters, 

Kitibuka, Mongol general, 114, 12I. 
K'iung hua island, in Peking, 107. 
Kizilbash lake, 124, 125. 
Kobdo, 14. 
Koluga, Iron gate, south of Kesh, 

83 ; ii. 274, 331 ; in Moghulistan, 

ii. 230. 
Kondukai, Mongol general, 158. 
Konghez, river in Moghulistan, ii. 

Koran, the, ii. 304. 
Korea, 190 ; ii. 157. 
Koshi, Tangut, 185. 
Kotb-eddin of Kerman, 147. 
K'o-tun, in Uiguria, 212. 
Kozelsk, in Russia, 313, 315, 320. 
Kua chou, in Kan su, 243 ; ii. 19, 

Kuai trees, Juniperus, 56, 59. 
K'nan Ch'e, Chinese envoy, ii. 237, 

K'uan-sa, Mongol prince, ii. 15. 
Kuan si, see T'ung kuan. 
KubilaiKhan, 113, 158, 185. 
Kucha, in E. Turkestan, 163, 230, 

233. 245, 252 ; ii. 44, 315, 330, 

Kuchar, in Moghulistan, ii. 228. 
Ku ch'eng, in Dsungaria, 14, 64. 
Kudatku bilik, Uigur MS., 237. 
Kufa, 120; ii. 125. 

Kuhik, hill and river near Samar- 
kand, 78. 

Kuhistan, 116, 281. 

Kui trees, 14, 31. 

Kui hua ch'eng, in S. Mongolia, 103. 
See also Kukukhoto. 

Kui tz', Kucha, 244 ; ii. 44, 229, 

Kuka ilka, Mongol general, ill. 

Kukonor, lake and country, ii. 172, 
203, 205. 

Kukukhoto, in S. Mongolia, 103, 
104; ii. 156. 

Kulan, one of Chinghiz' wives, 289. 

Kuldja, 70 ; ii. 33. 

K'u-li (Kalikut), ii. 295, 305. 

Ku Ii han, in Siberia, 24. 

Kulikovoje polye, in Russia, battle 
at, ii. 7*^8. 

Kulkan, Mongol prince, 309, 311, 


Kulon, lake in N.E. Mongolia, 50, 52. 

Kum, in Persia, 294. 

Kuma river, N. of the Caucasus, 

ii. 70. 
Kumans (Kipchaks), ii. 70. 
Kumess, district, N. Persia, 1 1 6, 

118, 279; ii. 106. 
Kumis, 94 ; black, ii. 73. 
Kum-kidjik, in Turkestan, 228. 
Kumlandju, in N.W. Mongolia, 25 5. 
Kun river, Orkhon, 240, 256. 
Kunduz, ii. 99, 331. 
Kungui, river in N.W. Mongolia, 


Kun lun, mountains in N. Tibet, 
130; ii. 203, 207, 249; in Shan- 
tung, 273. 

Kuo K'an, Mongol general, in. 

Kuo shi, title, ii. 222. 

Ku pei k'ou, defile in S. Mongolia, 

Kurds, 298. 

Kurkandj, see Urghendj. 

Kurtun balgasun, in S. Mongolia, 

Kusan, Kucha, ii. 230, 232, 315. 

Ku shan, Kao chang, 252. 

K'u-sien, Kucha, 163; ii. 330. 

Kut, mountain near Almalik, 99 ; 
ii. 34. 

Kutahieh, in Asia Minor, ii. 332. 

Kutan, Khan of the Kumans, 323. 

Kutaiba, general of the Calif, ii. 46. 

Kut tag, mountain in N.E. Mon- 
golia, 255, 259. 



Kuttuz, Sultan of Egypt, 142. 

Ku yii, in Kan su, ii. 181, 213, 218. 

Kuyuk, Great Khan, 160, 165, 185, 

308, 318, 333; ii. 8. 
Kvie tuan, fabulous animal, 83, 

2S9 ; ii. 274. 
Kii-sien, military district, N. of 

Tibet, ii. 210. 
Kii-siin, cotton, 21. 
Kit tz', Kucha, 244. 
Kii yung kuan, defile near Peking, 

44, 219. 

Lambri, 191. 

Lapis lazuli, 140, 15 1. 

Larch trees, 14. 

Lawsonia inermis, 30. 

Lembasser, castle in the Elburz, 

115, 118; ii. 108-110. 
Lezghis, nation, 295. 
Li, Chinese road measure, 15. 
Li-ch'ou, in Khorasan, 132. 
Li Kui and Li Ta, Chinese envoys, 

ii. 148. 
Liang chou fu, in Kan su, 66 ; ii. 24. 
Liao (K'i-tan), 72, 208 ; river, ii. 

Liegnitz, 321. 

Ling dsang, in Tibet, ii. 207. 
Ling wu, in Kan su, 159. 
Lions, 31, 148, 149; ii. 270, 293, 

295 ; as tribute, ii. 265, 266. 
Liu ch'eng, Liu chung, in Uiguria, 

ii. 31, 147, 184. 
Liu Chung lu (Liu kung), Chinghiz' 

adjutant, 39, 42, 43. 
Liu kiu islands, 190 ; ii. 323. 
Liu pan shan, mountain in Kan su, 

157, 158. 
Liu sha desert in E. Turkestan, 27 ; 

ii. 18, 144, 184. 
Lizards, big, in Transoxiana, 85. 
Locusts in Khorasan, 132. 
Lop Kanik, Lop Katak (Lopnor), 

ii. 228, 234. 
Lopnor, ii. 147, 148, 191, 228, 234, 

344 note. See also P'u ch'anghai 

and Yen tse, 
Lukchak, in Uiguria, IL 31, 147, 

184, 185. 
Lu-ko (Luke), Christian name, 144. 
Lu kii, Kerulun river (q.v.), 49, 50 ; 

ii. 162, 164. 
Lun t'tti hien, in Dsungaria, 16, 66. 
Lur, LuriHtau, 119, 121 ; ii. 127. 
Luzon (Muuilla), il 319. 

Maabar, 190. 

Macao, ii. 319, 321, 325, 328. 

Madjar (Hungarians), 305, 326-328, 

331 ; city, 328. 
Mahmud Yelvadj, 11, 272. 
Mahmud, Sultan of Badakhshan, 

ii. 273, 277. 
Malacca, ii. 296, 316. 
Mamai, Khan of the Tatars, ii. 78. 
Manass, in Dsungaria, 160. 
Manchu dynasty, ii. 157. 
Manchuria, ii. 173, 174. 
Mangu, Great Khan, 109, 1 13, 158, 

185, 302, 308, 310, 312, 315, 318 ; 

ii. 8. 
Mangu Timur, Mongol prince, ii. 


Mani, 252. 

Manilla, ii. 320. 

Mankerman (Kiev), 307, 308, 320. 

Manna, ii. 193, 255. 

Mansur, Sultan of Turf an, ii. 182, 

197, 200, 236. 
Maobalik, 254. 
Marabu stork, ii. 243. 
Marghinan, ii. 54, 331. 
Masikhi, in Ferghana, ii. 234. 
Massagetas, 150. 
Mass'ud, govern, of Turkestan, ii, 

114, 272. 
Maverannahr, 129. 
Mazenderan, 136, 1 71, 280; ii. 106, 

Mecca, ii. 294, 295, 332. 
Medicago sativa, 133. 
Medina, ii. 304, 332. 
Medresseh, in Herat, ii. 289. 
Meimundiz, castle in the Elburz, 

116, 117, 118 ; ii. 108, no. 
Me-ko-li, tribe near Hami, ii. 178, 

182, 214, 293, 315. 
Mekrins, tribe, 28. 
Melons in Uiguria, 67. 
Mengli girai, ii. 141. 
Meragha, 1 20, 294. 
Merkits, tribe, 28, 213, 230, 298. 
Meruchak, 286, 292 ; ii. 104. 
Meruzik ila, in Dsungaria, 99 ; ii. 

Merv Shahidjan, Meru, 132, 171, 

281, 286, 292 ; ii. 104, 332. 
Mianeh, 17 1. 
Michael of Chernigov and M. of 

Twer, executed, ii. 75. 
Middle Empire (Moghulistan), ii. 




Mie-ghie-sz', near the Caucasus, 

307, 316, 317. 
Mie-k'o-li, see Me-ko-li. 
Mien, Burma, 190. 
Minarets, 91. 

Ming bulak, in Turkestan, 228. 
Ming ch'ang, rampart in S. Mon- 
golia, 47. 
Miod, a Russian beverage, 23, 24. 
Mi-si-rh (Egypt), 141, 142 ; ii. 135, 

308, 332. 
Moezzins, 91. 
Mogan plain, 294. 
Moghulistan, ii, 140, 225 seq. 
Mohammed, prophet, 141 ; ii. 301- 

304 ; Khorazm Shah, 276 ; Khan 

of Moghulistan, ii. 233, 240. 
Mohammedans, 264-274. 
Mokhshas, in E. Russia, 31 1. 
Moluccas, ii. 319, 322. 
Mongol, the name, 318. 
Mongols, ii. 159. 
Moravia, 329. 
Mordvins, in E. Russia, 311, 317 ; 

ii. 70. 
Moscow, 314. 
Mossul, 118 ; ii. 122. 
Mostassim, Calif, 118. 
Moving sands, see Liusha, 
Mstislav, Russian pirinces, 296, 298, 

Mukhurkungui, river, W. Mongolia, 


Mukuli, Mongol general, 26, 33. 
Mulahida (Ismaelians), 1 1 5, lyi, 

133-135. 286, 292. 
Mulberry trees in W. Asia, 21, 76, 

Mules, wild, in the Dsungarian 

desert, 168. 
Multan, 282. 

Musart, defile in the T'ien shan, 227. 
Muslins, 89, 91 ; ii. 122. 
Mussulman, 22, 30, 70, 268. 
Mu ye, mountain in Manchuria, 


Nacchi, stuff, ii. 125. 

Nahavend, ii. 127. 

Naiman, tribe, 43, 61, 6;^, 73, 167, 
218, 230, 298. 

Nakhsheb, 82, 83, 279, 280, 289 ; 
ii. 60, 61. 

Nakhshevan, 294. 

Nakshijehan, Khan of Moghulis- 
tan, ii. 233, 240. 

Namugan, son of Kubilai Khan, ii. 

Nandagan pass, N. of the Amu 

river, 87. 
Nanking, 181 ; ii. 318. 
Nan k'ou pass, N. of Peking, 44, 106. 
Nan shan mountains, in W. Mon- 
golia, 59, 100. 
Nasr-eddin, general of Kubilai Khan, 

271 ; of Tus, astronomer, 134. 
Necuveran, 191. 
Nepal, ii. 223. 

Nessa, in Khorasan, 281 ; ii. 103. 
Nie-gu-lu, Alan prince, ii. 89. 
Niemtsy, Germans, 322. 
Ning yiian, in Tibet, ii. 224, 
Nishabur, 117, 132, 175, 250, 279, 

281, 286, 290, 292 ; ii. 101. 
Noyen = commander of a thousand, 

Nu-k'o-sa-rh, drug, 131. 
Num, sacred books, 257. 
Nussretkuh, in the Hindukush, 281 ; 

ii. 98. 
Nii chi, see Kin. 

Odontala, sources of the Yellow 

river, ii. 204, 209. 
(Eldjaitu, Khan of Persia, ii. 13. 
Ogotai, Great Khan, 62, 1 12, 185, 

277, 286, 289, 302 ; ii. 7. 
Oirats (Kalnmks), ii. 139, 159 seq. 
Okbara, near Bagdad, ii. 123. 
Olkui, river in E. Mongolia, 44. 
Olmiitz, 322. 

Oluk iff, in Dsungaria, ii. 34. 
Ong khan, see Wanghan. 
Onguts, tribe, 184, 212. 
Onon river, 158, 287; ii. 8, 164. 
Orda, Mongol prince, 309, 311, 318 ; 

ii. II, 16, 141. 
Ordo (residence), 18, 43, 57, 58, 114. 
Ordu balik, 254, 256. 
Ordukend (Kashgar), 252. 
Organa, Mongol princess, 114, 161. 
Organum (Almalik), 114, 167. 
Orkhon river, 55, 123, 240, 254, 

256 ; ii. 162. 
Ornas, 285. 
Orobanche, plant, 102. 
Osman of Samarkand, 229, 253. 
Ostriches in \V. Asia, 143-145 ; ii. 

134, 295. 
Otrar, 20, 170, 276-278, 285, 2S9, 

291 ; ii. 66, 228, 261. 
Ox us, see Amu. 



Ozar, prince of Almalik, ii. 33. 
Ozkend, near the Sihun, 278 ; ii. 51. 

Fang-t'e-le, Uigur chief, 241. 

Panthays, Mohammedans, 270. 

Pao an chou, in N. China, 44. 

Pap, in Ferghana, ii. 53. 

Parchin, sec Barchin. 

Parthia, 144, 264. 

Parvan, in the Hindukush, 85, 282, 

283, 288, 290, 293. 
Pushai of M. Polo, 234. 
Pastor roseus, destroys locusts, 1 32. 
Peacocks in W. Asia, 31, 149. 
Pearl-fishing in the Persian Gulf, 

145 ; ii. 130. 
Pearls in Bagdad, 139; ii. 125. 
Pechenegs, 304 ; ii. 70. 
Pei ch'uan, in Kan su, 160. 
Peighember, prophet, 141, 270 ; ii. 

Pei hai, Baikal lake, 32. 
Pei t'ing (Bishbalik, q.v.), 66, 160, 

212, 241. 
Peking, 40-46, 181, 185 ; ii. 156. 
Pendjab, on the Djihun, 279. 
P'eng hu, Pescadore islands, ii. 321. 
Persia, 148, 264; ii. 99. 
Peruan, see Parvan. 
Pescadores, ii. 321. 
Peshaver, 283. 
Pesth, 332, 

Peta, Mongol prince, 321, 324. 
Petlin, Russian envoy to China, ii. 

Phalange, spider, 128. 
Phelipea, plant in Mongolia, 102 ; 

ii. 214. 
Pidjan, in E. Turkestan, ii. 202. 
Pi-li-ke, king of the Uigurs, 214. 
Pin, princes of, ii. 212, 220. 
Pin-t'ie, steel, 146, 147 ; ii. 1 80, 

I93» 272. 
Ping chou, 127. 
Pirez, Tliomas, Portuguese envoy to 

China, ii. 317-319. 
Pishpek, in W. Turkestan, 74. 
Po ho plant, Lilium, 24 ; Mentha, 

ii. 251. 
Poland, 320-322. 
Po-la-8z', Po-li-sz', Persia, ii. 99. 
Polovtsy (Kipchak), 296, 300 ; ii. 70. 

Polypodium barometz, 154. 

Po man, tribe in Yunnan, 184. 

Pomegranates in Ferghana, 19. 

Populus euphratica in E. Turke- 
stan, ii. 179, 214. 

Portae Caspise, ii. 108. 

Porta Caucasica, 317; ii. 85. 

Portuguese, ii. 314, 315. 

Po shan, near Kucha, ii. 243. 

Po-sz', Persia, 148, 244, 264 ; ii. 99. 

Po Ta ta, Onguts, 184, 212. 

Po yiin kuan, monastery, 108. 

Precious stones, 173 seq. 

P'u ch'ang hai,* Lopnor, ii. 191. 

Pulad, in Dsungaria, 17, 125, 162, 
169 ; ii, 41. 

Pulad Chinksank, Mongol minister, 
196, I97._ 

P'u-sa (Bodisatva), 143. 

P'u-su-man, Bussurman, 70. 

Pu yii rh hai, Taal nor lake (q.v.), 
48 ; ii. 163, 232, 236, 238. 

Pylas Caspise, ii. loS. 

Pyrus prunifolia, near Almalik, 17. 

QuELPAKT, island near Korea, 190. 

R.AI, Rayi, Rei, 117, 171, 279, 294. 
Riasan, in Russia, 313, 315, 316. 
Ricci, Math., Jesuit missionary, ii. 

324-325, 329. 
Rogastan, 171. 
Rock salt in Hormnz, ii. 133, 271 ; 

red coloured in Transoxiana, 31, 

91, 92, 133- 
Rokn-eddin Kurshah, Ismaelian, 

116, 118, 134. 
Rome, ii. 332. 
Roses in Samarkand, 131. 
Rubia, plant, 128. 
Rubies, 173, 174. 
Rudbar, district in the Elburz, 115, 

117; ii. 109. 
Rum, Byzantine empire, 118, 143, 

1 66 ; ii. 306. 
Russia, 295, 298, 299, 305, 312, 

315 ; ii. 73-81, 154, 155. 

Sabrajt, see Savran. 

Sa-ha-ba, Sa-a-di, Mohammedan, 

Sa-ha-la, shawl, ii. 258, 308. 

* P'u ch'ang hai, name by wliich the Lopnor was known to tlie Chinese 2000 years 
»go (cee il. p. 191), means " reedy eea or lake." According to PrzcwaLsky, almost the 
wlioI« of the Lopuor is still thickly ovcrgrowu with reeds of enormous size. 



Sairam, lake in Dsungaria, 17, 69, 

99, 162; ii. 229; city in W. 

Turkestan, 74,96, 98, 130, 226; 

ii. 94, 147, 227, 235, 250 ; city in 

E. Turkestan, ii. 94. 
Sakiamuni, Buddha, 137. 
Saksin, nation, 296, 3C0, 305. 
Sal ammoniac in Central Asia, ii. 

190, 193, 214, 243, 272. 
Sali, river in Mongolia, 157. 
Salikhun, country, 234. 
Sali noyen. Mongol general, 138. 
Samarkand, 21, 76-78, 81, 131, 215, 

279, 283, 289, 291 ; ii. 58, 144, 

147, 256, 269, 332. 
Sandal- wood, 139. 
Sandhills in the Mongolian and 

Dsungarian deserts, 47, 68. 
Sand jar, Seldjut Sultan, 215, 229, 

San yii, island, 190. 
Sapphire, 175. 
Saracens, 269. 
Sarai, residence of Batu, 167 ; ii. 8, 

71, 141. 
Saraichuk, ii. 57. 
Sarakhs, 171, 286, 292 ; ii. 102. 
Sarek kamysh, in Moghulistan, ii. 

Sari, in Mazenderan, ii. 106. 
Sarikihar, in Mongolia, 157. 
Saripul, 171. 

Sari-Uigurs, 263 ; ii. 205, 228. 
Sarts, 268, 269, 277, 2QO ; ii. 41. 
Sartakh, son of Batu Khan, 167, 168, 

170 ; ii. 15. 
Sava, in Persia, ii, ill. 
Savran, near the Sihun, 170 ; ii. 315. 
Saxons in Transylvania, 330. 
Sayid-Edjell, 270, 271. 
Sayo, river in Hungary, 324, 331. 
Sebzivar, in Khorasan, 133. 
Seif-eddin, ruler of Hormuz, ii. 133. 
Seistan, 290, 293 ; ii. 97. 
Selenga river, 238, 247, 255, 260. 
Seman, near Badakhshan, 280. 
Semedo, Jesuit missionary, ii, 330. 
Semenat, 1 9 1. 

Semiscant, Samarkand, 21, 76. 
Samnan, in Persia, 1 1 7, 279; ii. 

Sempad, Armenian prince, 165. 
Senghezigadje, in Moghulistan, ii. 

Serai ordo, in Dsungaria, ii. 229. 
Serpent, horned, 153. 

Sha chou, 160, 243 ; ii. 18, 212, 215, 

330; idols of, 32. 
Shaduman, ii. 315. 
Shah Khan of Turfan, ii. 198, 200. 
Shah Rok, ii. 253, 261, 272, 278, 

Shahrokhia, on the Sihun, ii. 147, 

Shahr-sebz, Kesh (q.v.), 82 ; ii. 273. 
Shamakha, 294 ; ii. 121. 
Shamajehan, Khan of Moghulistan, 

ii. 231, 233, 239. 
Shamans, 257. 
Sha mo, Gobi desert, 47. 
Shan yii. Khans of the Hiung nu, 

38, 58, 256. 
Shanghai, 187. 

Shang tu, Kubilai's summer resi- 
dence, 48, 163 ; ii. 28, 162, 173. 
Sharamuren, river in Mongolia, 256. 
Sharikhana, in Ferghana, ii. 331. 
Shash (Tashkend, q.v.), 75 ; ii. 55. 
Sha t'o, Mongolian desert, 48, 50, 

63, 159 ; Turk tribe, 47. 
Sha tsao, Elgeagnus, ii. 179, 214. 
Sheep, broad-tailed, 31 ; ii. 135, 

Sheherek, in the Elburz, 118; ii. 

Sheibani, Uzbek chief, ii. 140, 142, 

Sheikh Nureddin, general of Timur, 

ii. 262. 
Shen-du, India, 155. 
Sherbet, 140. 
Shi, Tashkend, ii. 55. 
Shiban, Mongol prince, 309, 322, 

331 ; ii. 16. 
Shiki kutuku, Mongol general, 282, 

287, 290, 291, 293. 
Shinkur, Mongol prince, ii. 16. 
Shirabad, 85. 
Shiraz, capital of Ears, 144-146; 

ii. 128, 145, 292, 332 ; town near 

Samarkand, 292. 
Shireki, son of Mangu Khan, ii. 36. 
Shirvan, 294, 298 ; ii. 120. 
Shi wei, tribe in Mongolia, 213, 239. 
Shonkars, gerfalcons, ii. 283, 2S4. 
Shui Ta ta, in Manchuria, ii. 175. 
Shu le, Kashgar, ii. 46. 
Shulistan, ii. 127. 
Shuburgan, 1 1 6. 
Siao wang tz', Mongol chiefs (reguli), 

ii. 166. 
Si chou, in Uiguria, 244. 



Si fan, N.E. Tibet, 248 ; ii, 24, 203. 
Si Hia, Tangut or Hia (q.v.), 184 ; 

city in Shan tung. 35, 40. 
Si liao, Karakhitai, 18, 210. 
Siliang (Liang chou fu), 66, 159; 

ii. 24, 220. 
Si t'ien, Tibet and India, 244; ii. 

221, 222. 
Si yii. Western Countries, 267 ; ii. 

Siang yang fu, ii. 49. 
Sibir, ii. 37, 88, 129, 154. 
Sie-mi-sz'-kan, Samarkand, 76, 88, 

95, 285. 
Sien, Siam, 190. 

Sie-yen-to, tribe in Mongolia, 238. 
Signak, on the Sihun, 170, 278. 
Signak teghin of Almalik, 277. 
Sihun, see Syrdaria. 
Silesia, 321. 

Silurus, fish of the Sihun, 75. 
Sin, China, see also Chin, 231, 232, 

252, 253 ; ii. 38. 
Sindh river, 23, 282, 290, 293 ; ii. 

Sing su hai, sources of the Yellow 

river, ii. 204, 209. 
Siraf, ii. 129. 

Sitiens, castle in Armenia, 171. 
Siurkukteni, Kubilai Khan's mother, 

Siwas, in Armenia, ii. 332. 
Snakes, two-headed, in Turkestan, 

98 ; with four legs, in Persia, 31, 

Soldaya (Sudak), 295 ; iL 84. 
So fang, N. China, 249. 
So-fu, suf, woollen stuff, ii. 258, 290, 

291, 308. 
Sogd river, Zarafshan, 279. 
Soja, bean, 21. 

Solgat, capital of Crimea, ii. 84. 
So-li-tan, so-lu-t'an, Sultan, 22 ; ii. 

So kii, Yarkand, ii. 47. 
Solanum melongena, in Samarkand, 

80 mo, Gobi desert, 47, 217. 
Spaniards, ii. 319. 
Spiders, venonjous, in Turkestan, 31, 

128; ii. 250. 
Squalius, fish, 125. 
Steel, 146 ; ii. 180, 193. 
Stone gate, in Tokharestan, 87. 
Stony desert, S.W. Mongolia, 47, 

241, 263. 

Suan-tan (Sultan), of Khovarezm, 

72, 73, 78, 134, 291. 
Subashi, in Moghulistan, ii. 330. 
Subutai, Mongol general, 279, 287, 

289, 290, 293, 294, 297, 309, 312, 

318, 319, 324, 330, 331. 
Su chou, in Kan su, 160, 243 ; ii. 

147, 154, 177, 249, 313, 331. 
Sudak, see Soldaya. 
Sugar-cane in India, 23. 
Suidun, near Kuldja, 69, 70* 
Su ye, Sui ye, on the Chu river, 

227, 228. 
Sultan Ahmed and Sultan Mahmud, 

Khans of Moghulistan, ii. 235. 
Sultania, ii. 113, 332. 
Sumatra, 191. 

Sunak kurgan on the Sihun, 170. 
Su-t'an, Sultan, ii. 195, 200, 
Sutkul (Sairam lake, q.v.), 69, 162, 

169 ; ii. 229. 
Su wu, Chinese minister, B.C., 32. 
Suzdal, in Russia, 313, 319. 
Siian hua fu (Siiau te), 105 ; ii. 165, 

Siin-sz'-kan, Samarkand, 21, 54, 

131, 215, 285. 
Syrdaria river, 57, 75. 

Taal nok, lake in S.E. Mongolia, 

49 ; ii. 162, 163. 
Tabaristan, 31 ; ii. 106. 
T'a-bi-sz'-han, mountain in Persia, 

Tabriz, see Tauris, 
Tadjiks, 261, 268. 
Ta fu, Chinese title, 225. 
Tagazgaz (Uigurs), 252. 
Ta hia, Bactriana, ii. 99, lOl. 
T'ai chou, in E, Mongolia, 221. 
Tai ha, lake in S. Mongolia, 105. 
T'ai hang ling, mountains in N. 

China, 45. 
T'ai ho ling, Caucasus, ii. 27. 
Taikan, see Talekan. 
T'ai ning, in Manchuria, ii. 173. 
T'ai shi, title, Taidji, ii. 165. 
T'ai wan, Formosa, ii. 322. 
Tai yang khan (Naiman), 218, 230, 

Takash, Sultan of Khovarezm, 229. 
Takht-i-Soleiman, ii. 121. 
Talas, river and city, 18, 19, 71, 

130, 169, 226, 228,231,253, 301 ; 

ii. 262. 



Talekan, in the Elburz, 117; in 
Khorasan and Tokha restan, 281, 
287, 292 ; ii. 97-99. 

Talki defile, N. of Kuldja, 17, 29, 
69, 162, 219. 

Tamgaj, 71. 

Tamir river, N.W. Mongolia, ii. 37. 

Ta-mo, Bodhi drama, 137. 

Tamsuy, port of Formosa, ii. 323. 

Tan, philosopher's stone, 37. 

Tang nu, mountains in N.W. Mon- 
golia, 114. 

Tangus Khan, Chinese emperor, ii. 
145, 260, 261. 

Tangut, 184, 213 ; empire, see Hia ; 
prince, 309 ; ii. 16. 

Tarantula, in W. Turkestan, 128. 

Taras, see Talas. 

Taraskand, 19, 286; ii. 253. 

Tarim river, E. Turkestan, ii. 48 ; 
city, ii. 232. 

Tarkhan, Mongol title, 97. 

Tarmabala, grandson of Kubilai,i89. 

Tarma shirin, Khan of the Middle 
Empire, ii. 38. 

Tarse, Christians, 67. 

Tartarian lamb, 154. 

Tashbalik, ii. 21. 

Ta shi, Arabs, 214, 244, 245, 265. 

Ta shi Lin ya (ma), see Ye-lii Ta shi. 

Tashkend, 74, 75, 130, 285 ; ii. 55, 
147, 235, 251, 

Ta-ta, Tatars, 138, 166, 296, 318 ; 
ii. 160, 163. 

Tataristan, 168, 

Ta tsi, stony desert, 47, 263. 

Ta tu, Peking, 185. 

Ta t'ung fu, 105, 221. 

Taulas, near the Irtysh, ii. 231. 

Tauris, 120, 171,294; ii. 144,294, 

Ta wan, Ferghana, ii. 56. 

Taxes in Transoxiana, 1 3 1. 

Ta Yue ti, Massagetae, 150. 

Tazi, Arabs, 265. 

Tea, ii. 300. 

Tebertash, in Moghulistan, ii. 229. 

Teghin, Turk rulers, 184, 238, 246. 

Te hing, Pao an chou, 44, 106. 

Telenguts, tribe, 213, 238. 

Temugu Udjughen, Chinghiz' bro- 
ther, 44, 50, 277, 289. 

Tents, Mongol, on wheels, 49. 

Terki, near the Caspian, 295. 

Termed, 83, 229, 280, 286, 292 ; ii. 
63, 147, 275. 

Tetkaul, Kia yii kuan, ii. 232. 
Thamiseh, in Tabaristan, ii. 105. 
Thebbes, in Kuhistan, 31 ; ii. 96. 
Thomas, apostle, 137. 
Thoros, mountains in Turkestan, 

169, 170. 
Thuja orientalis, 125. 
Ti hua chou, Urumtsi, ii. 29. 
Tiao yii shan, in Sz' ch'uan, 158. 
Tibet, ii. 21-25, 204, 221, 224. 
T'ie shan, Alakul lake, 125, 126. 
T'ie-le, Telenguts, 213, 238. 
T'ie-men kuan. Iron gate, 82, 91, 

286; ii. 274. 
T'ie-mu-rh-ts'an ch'a, defile near 

Kuldja, 126. 
T'ie-rh-shan, in the Caucasus, 299. 
Tie-sie, Tarse, Christians, 67. 
T'ien Chen hai balgasun, in N.W. 

Mongolia, 59. 
T'ien cli'eng, in N. China, 105. 
T'ien du, India, ii. 25. 
T'ien fang, Arabia, 141 ; ii. 294, 303. 
T'ien hia, beneath the sky, ii. 181. 
T'ien shan. Celestial mountains, 13, 

65, 160 ; ii. 178, 190. 
T'ien fang, Arabia, ii. 294, 300. 
T'ien te, Tienduc of Marco Polo, 

211, 212. 
Tiflis, 294. 
Tigris river, 138. 
Tikin kuri, Ongut title, 184. 
Timur the Great, Timur lenk, ii. 

256, 257 ; his wives, 257 ; invasion 

of Russia, ii. 79. 
Timur kahlakah, Talki defile, 162 ; 

ii- 35- 
Timur Melik, Moh. Khor. Shah's 

general, 278, 287, 290. 
Tjebe, see Chebe. 
Togochar, Mongol general, 281, 290, 

Togmak, in W. Turkestan, 74 ; ii. 

161, 315- 
Toka Timur, Mongol prince, ii. 16. 
Tokharestan, 83, 145 ; ii. 99. 
Tokhtamish, Khan of Kipchak, ii. 

78, 141. 
Toksun, in Uiguria, ii. 32. 
Tola river, Tula, N. Mongolia, 54, 

55, 247, 255, 259, 291, 332; ii. 

Tolma, stuff, 70. 
To-lo, stuff, ii. 291. 
Tono mountain, N. Mongolia, 54. 
Topaz, 175. 



Topazion, stone, in Egypt, 141, 142. 
Topchak, Turkoman horses, 140 ; 

ii. 125, 264. 
Torjok, in Russia, 313, 315. 
To-yen, in Manchuria, ii. 1 73. 
Transoxiana, 129. 
Tsagan balgasu, S. Mongolia, 187. 
Ts'ao, Samarkand, ii. 256. 
Tsevan raptan, Khan of the Eleuths, 

•ii. 168. 
Tsi, see Stony desert. 
Tsi shi shan, mountain S. of Kuko- 

nor, ii. 191. 
Ts ien ts iian, in W. Turkestan, 228. 
Ts'ing hai, Kukonor (q.v.). 
Tsiu ts'lian, ancient military district, 

Kan su, 248 ; ii. 212. 
Tsui ping k'ou, defile, S. Mongolia, 

Ts ung ling mountains, Central Asia, 

27 ; ii. 66, 191, 243, 244. 
Tsiian chou, Chinese seaport, 186. 
T'uan bala, Kerduan (q.v.). 
Tuctuca, Mongol prince, ii. 15. 
Tuda Mangu, Mongol prince, ii. 15. 
T'u-fan (po), Tibet, 241 ; ii. 22, 216. 
Tukhta, Tukta, Khan of Merkits, 

230, 261. 
T'u-kue, Turks, 13, 15, 18, 47, 66, 

227, 238, 239. 
Tului, son of Chinghiz, 113, 189, 278, 

286, 290. 
Tu-lu-ma, stuff, 70. 
Tumats, tribe, 28. 
T'u mu, N. China, battle at, ii. 165. 
Tun huang, Sha chou, ii. 18, 212, 


Tun tai, beacon towers, ii. 211. 
Tungat mountains, N. Mongolia, 

T'ung kuan, defile, Shansi, 34. 
Turfan, ii. 140, 147, 189 seq., 234, 

310, 330, 331. 
Turgut, tribe, ii, 170, 172. 
Turkestan, 115, ii. 49; city, 170. 
Turkhan Khatun, 280, 303. 
Turkomans, ii. 264, 291, 294. 
Turquoises, 140, 175, 
Tus, 113, 116, 171, 279, 286, 292; 

ii. 64. 
Tu shi Tai fu, founder of the Kara- 

khitai dynasty, 224. 

UcH Ferman, Uch Turfan, ii. 45, 

227, 230. 
Udjeghin, see Temugu. 

Ugei nor, lake, N.W. Mongolia, 54, 

Ugra, 327. 

Uhus Merkits, tribe, 289. 
Uigurs, 214, 236-263; ii. 26, 177, 

178, 180 ; writing introduced 

among the Mongols, 53. 
Uksun, family name of the Kin, 25. 
Ulan daban, defile, Altai, 14, 62, 99. 
Ulgui river, N.E. Mongolia, 44. 
Uliassutai, 59. 

Ulug Beg of Samarkand, ii. 262, 263. 
Ulungur river, 15, 64, 124, 125; 

lake, see Kizilbash. 
Under shana, mountain, N.W. 

Mongolia, 57. 
Unicorn, ii. 134, 295. 
Upsa nor, lake, ii. 156. 
Ural river, 167. 
Uriangcadai, Mongol general, 121, 

Urghendj, 22, 280, 281, 286, 290, 

292 ; ii. 92, 93. 
Urianghai, ii. 175. 
Uriankhits, tribe, 287. 
Urgmogaity, defile, Altai, 14. 
Urumia lake, 120. 
Urumtsi, 66 ; ii. 28, 310. 
Ush, in Ferghana, ii, 331. 
Utekien, mountain near Karako- 

rum, 240, 259, 260. 
Uzbek, Khan of Kipchak, ii. 6, 10, 


Uzbeks, ii. 140, 142. 

Uzgend, Uzkend, ii. 50, 227. 

Uzi river, Dniepr, 307. 

Uzzan Hassan, Turkoman, ii. 291. 

Vakaf, near Bagdad, 120. 

Vassily I., grand duke of Moscov, 
ii. 79. 

Vassit, between Tigris and Eu- 
phrates, 120 ; ii. 126. 

Verny, 70, 73 ; ii. 33. 

Volga river, 165, 306 ; ii. 81. 

Wakhsh river, Oxus, ii. 62. 

Wa-la, Oirats (q.v.). 

Wang Khan (Prester John), 242, 

Water-melons in W. Asia, 20, 31, 

67, 89. 
Wei river, China, 39. 
Wei, military posts, ii. 173. 
Weis, Khan of Moghulistan, ii. 194, 

199. 233. 234, 241. 



Wei-wu-rh, Uigurs, 67, 236 ; ii. 26. 
Wen chou, Chinese seaport, 187. 
White Horde, ii. 141. 
Wild men, Dsungarian desert, 168. 
Willow trees in Mongolia, 51, 54. 
Wind hill, N.W. Mongolia, 100. 
Women with beards in Persia, 31, 

Wu-duan, Khotan, 16. 
Wu-liang-ha, S.E. Mongolia, ii. 

Wu man, tribe, Yunnan, 184. 
Wu-sz'-dsang, Tibet, ii. 207, 209, 

Wu-sun, Dsungaria, 123. 
Wu wei, ancient military district, 

Kan su, ii. 212. 

Yachi, Yunnan, 183, 184. 

Yai-rh ch'eng, near Turf an, ii. 1 91. 

Yakut, precious stone, 174; ii. 14. 

Yam, post-station, 187. 

Yanghi balik, in Dsungaria, 169 ; 

ii- 33- 
Yanghikend, on the Sihun, 278, 

285, 291 ; on the Talas river, ii. 

147, 151, 152. 
Yang ho, N. China, 105. 
Yang kuan, in Kansu, 267 ; ii. 215. 
Yao-sha, laxartes, 75 ; ii. 56. 
Yarkand, 234 ; ii. 47, 48, 231, 310, 

Yar kurgan, Moghulistan, 11. 231. 
Yaroslav II. of Vladimir, ii. 76, 77. 
Yassi, city of Turkestan, 170. 
Yasy, Alans, ii. 85. 
Yefremof visits Samarkand, ii. 268. 
Ye hu ling, defile, N. China, 45, 46, 

Ye-li-k'ien, Turkestan, 162. 
Ye-li-k'o-wen, Christians, 268. 
Ye-li-ya, Elias, 144. 
Yellow river, sources of, 185, 186 ; 

ii. 191, 204, 209. 
Ye-lu Tashi, founder of the Kara- 

khitai empire, 28, 72, 21 1. 
Yemen, Arabia, ii. 302. 
Ye Mie k'o-li, tribe, ii. 293. See 

also Me-k'o-li. 
Yen, Yenking, Peking, 40, 41, 43, 

Yen chi shan mountain, Kan su,l59. 
Yen ki, Kharashar, 16 ; ii. 229, 236. 
Yen tse, Lopnor, ii. 147. 
Yesien, Oirat, minister at the Mon- 
gol court, ii. 165. 

Yeskele, N. Persia, 117. 
Yesudar, Mongol prince, ii. 35. 
Ye-yiin-chi, in Turkestan, ii. 44. 
Yezdegerd III., 264. 
Yin-du, Hindustan, 23, 30, 72, 79, 

137, 138, 146, 151, 289. 
Yin shan mountains, in S. Mon- 


162 : Celestial 

mountains, 58, 65, 68, 72 ; moun- 
tains N. of Kuldja, 17, 29, 99. 

Ying ch'ang, S.E. Mongolia, 48 ; 
ii. 162. 

Ying-ghi-li, Kan su, 159. 

Ying tsung, Ming emperor, taken 
prisoner, ii. 166, 

Yissu Mangu, Mongol prince, ii. 16. 

Yissuts, tribe, 233. 

Yi wulii, mountain, Manchuria, 10. 

Yi-yiin, river, Turkestan, 129, 130; 
ii. 44. 

Yugra, 327. 

Yulduz, Celestial mountains, ii. 229, 
230, 234. 

Yung lo, Ming emperor, ii. 142, 

Yunus, Khan of Moghulistan, ii. 


Yii men kuan, Kan su, 267 ; ii. 144, 

Yii rh Ii, Yii rh po, lake, S. Mon- 
golia, 48, 52. 

Yii-t'ien, Khotan (q.v.). 

Yu t'ou, Uch Turfan, ii. 45. 

Yii-t'ung, Tibet, ii. 224. 

Yii yang kuan, defile, S. Mongolia, 

Yii-yi-sz'-kuan, Turkestan, 162. 

Yiian, Mongol dynasty, 180 ; ii. 
162, 163. 

Yiie-dsu-bu, Uzbek, ii. 6. 

Yiie ti (Massagetae), ii. 225. 

Yiin chung, Ta t'ung fu, 13, 105, 

Yiin nan, 183 ; ii. 300. 

Zabulistan, 282 ; ii. 68. 

Zaisan lake, 15. 

Zarafshan, 76, 88. 

Zaweh, Khorasan, 1 16. 

Zayton, Chinese seaport, 187. 

Zebra, ii. 134. 

Zebu, 31, 133. 

Zemzem, well, Mecca, ii. 303. 

Zendjan, N. Persia, 1 7 1, 294; ii. 

Zeruuk, W. Turkestan, 171, 


Abdallah Beidavi, 196. 
Abd-er razzak, ii. 1 5 1. 
Abulfeda, 200. 
Altan depter, 197. 
Altan tobchi, ii. 159. 
Amiot, ii. 149. 
Arab Shah, ii. 151. 
Autobiography of Timur, ii. 151. 

Baber, Sultan, Memoirs, 19, 75 ; 

ii. 152. 
Barbier de Meynard, 199, 200. 
Beal, S., Si yu ki, Buddhist Records 

of the Western World. 1 884, 2 

Bellew, 263. 
Benaketi, 197. 
Berezin, 198. 
Bergeron, ii. 156. 
Bibliotheque orientale, 200. 
Biot, 207. 
Bushell, 46. 

Catalan map, ii. 3. 

Cathay and the Way thither. Pre- 
face v., 205. 

Chambers, ii. 153, 279. 

Ch'ang ch'un, Chinese mediaeval 
traveller (Si yu ki), 6, 35. 

Ch'ang Te, Chinese mediaeval 
traveller (Si shi ki), 7, 109, 122. 

Chang Te hui, Chinese medisEval 
traveller, 45. 

Chardin, Voyages en Perse, 1664- 
1677. Edition Langl5s en 10 
vols. iSii. 

Cho keng lu, 36, 173, 194. 

Clavijo, 84 ; il 145. 

David, Arm., 13. 

De Barros, translated by Soltau, ii. 

Defremery, ii. 1 50. 
De Guignes, 203. 
Dev^ria, ii. 157. 
Djami ut Tevarikh, 196. 
Djuveni, 195. 
Dorn's Caspia. 1875. 

Edrisi, 200. 

Elias, Journey through W. Mon- 
golia, in 1872, 1873. Journ. Roy. 
Geogr. Soc, 1873, 108-156. 

Erdeni tobchi, ii. 159. 

Erskine, ii. 150. 

Espinha, Jesuit, astronomical ob- 
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Fedchenko, 78. 
Eirdusi, 199. 

Gaubil, 192. 
Goes, ii. 154, 331. 
Grigoriev, 231 ; ii. 82. 
Groeneveldt, ii. 143. 

Hai kuo t'u chi, 36 ; ii. 4. 

Haithon, king of Little Armenia, 
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of Eastern Kingdoms, 165. 

Hajji, Mohammed, ii. 153. 

Han dynasties, B.C. 202-A.D. 220 ; 
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Herbelot, 200. 

Hervey de St. Denys, Marquis, 3 ; 
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Ho a Han shu, History of the Pos- 
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Huang yiian sheng wu Ts in cheng 
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Hui hui yiian lu, 266. 

Hiien Thsang, 36 

Hyacinth, Father, 191, 237 ; ii. 

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Ibn Haukal, 199. 
Ibn Khurdadbih, 199. 
Istakhri, 199. 

Jaubert, 200. 
Julien, Stan., 16, 36. 

Kang mu (Tung kien kang mu), 
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Karamzin, History of Russia, 205. 

Kashgar, History of, 263. 

Khans of the Middle Empire (Turk- 
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Khitai nameh, ii. 154. 

Khondemir, ii. 150. 

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3 seq- 
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Mas' udi, 199. 
Matla-assaadein, ii. 151^ 

Ma Tuan lin, 3. 

Matussowsky, 14, 100. 

Mayeff, 84. 

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Meng gu yii mu ki, ii. 169. 

Mesalek alabsar, 18. 

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Padkrin, 123. 

Palladius, 36, 45, 192. 

Pauthier, Preface, vi., 36, no, 183. 

Pavet de Courteille, ii. 152. 

Pei shi ki (Wu ku sun), 25. 

Pen ts'ao kang mu, 20. 

Petis de la Croix, ii. 150. 

Pevtsoff, 14, 55. 

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Piassetsky, Dr., 64. 

Pinto, ii. 155, 318. 

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Polo, Marco, 205. 

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Si yii t'ung wen chi, ii. 168. 
Si yii wen kien lu, 128. 
Sin kiang chi Ho, 207. 
So-mo t'u, 192. 
Sosnowsky, 64. 
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Visdelou, 201. 

Wang Yen te, 244. 

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Yakut, 200. 

Yavorsky, 84. 

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Ye-lii Ch'u ts'ai, Chinese mediaeval 

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Ye-lii Hi liang, Chinese mediaeval 

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Zafer nameh, ii. 150. 





Bretshneider, Eroilii 

Mediaeval researches 



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